He who robs the Parson robs the poor, Who is most ready to do you any kind office, to give you relief in want, to feed you in hunger? Who is foremost in signing Petitions for the distressed; who puts forward and manages subscriptions to provide you with coals and other necessaries, in a severe winter? put to those who have been over-persuaded, expressed it, to carry justice to every by designing meu, to join disorderly tumults, man's door! This is coming on again, to raise their own wages by robbing the Parson of his Tithe, for which you will very of course, before the alteration is to be soon be sorry. attempted, and then we shall hear the objections of the lawyers; but the notion of having justice at every man's door is so preposterous; it is so opposite to what experience has found to be necessary, that I cannot think that this extensive alteration, as Lord Lyndhurst called it, will be suffered. It is proposed to make the experiment upon two of the counties of England first, and, if it answer, then to go on with the whole. But I will give the words of Lord Lyndhurst, it being impossible that I should give the speech of Lord Brougham. Who is the best comforter to those in prison; who attends to your children in Who visits and comforts you in sickness when all worldly enjoyments are gone? Who shall you wish to see when you are on your deathbed, to console you, and relieve a troubled conscience? Who, at all hours, day or night, attends your call, not heeding the danger of infection, nor the misery of sighs, of distress, of anguish? Who kneels by your bedside, and offers up prayers for your peace and assistance, in that hour of need? Which of you would be satified to think that when you are dead, your body, or that of any of your dear friends, would be put into the ground without Christian burial? Who performs this last office? A TRUE FRIEND, PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS. LAW. Lord BROUGHAM, in a speech which takes up nearly five columns of the newspaper, brought in a bill for the amendment of the Law; or, as he, in the course of his speech, 1 Lord LYNDHURST: The ordinary course, my Lords, when measures of such vast consequence are first presented for your Lordships consideration, is to lay the bill containing the details of these measures on the table, and then to order it to be printed; and to allow your Lordships a competent time to examine them thoroughly, before the bill is read a second time. Such is the course which, as I understand him, my noble and learned Friend proposes to follow on this occasion: so that your Lordships may have the opportunity of coming fully prepared, at the second reading, to discuss the principles and details of this new and extensive alteration in the system of administrative justice. At present I content myself with saying, that the plan is one of the highest importance; and I fully concur with my noble Friend in the opinion, that your Lordships are bound to give it your most serious attention. For we must consider that the effect of it, if it should be adopted by the Legislature, will be to create fifty new Courts of Justice, to be presided over by fifty new Judges, and each of these courts to be attended with the establishment which is necessarily connected with a Court of Justice. These may be considered as minor circumstances; but, certainly, the consequence of adopting the measure will be to make a wide and expensive alteration in our judicial establishments. When the bill shall have been printed, I will direct the most anxious and careful attention to its principles and the whole of its details, that i may come to the discussion on the second reading, as fully prepared as the most unremitting inquiry will enable me to be; and if, after the most auxious attention, and the most careful inquiry, I should feel myself compelled to differ from my noble and learned Friend, I will freely and candidly state to your Lordships the grounds and reasons of my dissent; but if, upon the most candid, careful, and anxious inquiry, I should be convinced that this is a wise and salutary measure-a real improve-country robbed of the fruits of that skill ment-then I will give it my most cordial and and that industry. It has too much zealous support. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Election petitions took up the greater part of the time of this evening, but on Mr. Rice taking credit for the new Government, for having abolished the office of Postmaster General of Ireland, wisdom in it to have done this; but, being unable to see how it has been robbed, it has suffered robbery to creep on upon it, till it now comes for the last mouthful of victuals, and there it is stopped. It wont get that, and hence the burnings and breakings. Friday, 3d Dec. HOUSE OF LORDS. BOROUGHMONGERS. The Duke of NEWCASTLE rose to make a grievous complaint against Sir Thomas Denman, the Attorney-General, for having al in a speech made at the late Nottingham Election, as a "Boroughmonger." The words which the Duke complained of are these: Mr. HUME said, that in his opinion, all salaries over 5001. a year ought to be reduced one-half. Not including the officers of the House of Lords, or of the Courts of Law, 993 persons received an income of 2,066,5741., which gave an average of 2,0801. to each. The officers of the House of Commons received 19,6427.; Judicial Officers, not including those of the Common Pleas, 466,836., Civil Officers under the Crown, 655,4341.; Diplo matic and Consular Officers, 251,624; Navalluded to him, in a very pointed manner, and Military Pensions to Officers, 331,327.; Colonial Officers, 338,7111. Of these 161 enjoyed an income of between 2,500. and 5,000. a year. The incomes of 44 of them ranged between 5,0007. and 10,0007.; and there were 11 above 10,000l. a year. Two hundred and sixteen of them received a gross income of 916,8071. If the information which he possessed included salaries below 1,000!. a year, and over 500, they would be found to amount to upwards of 2,000,000l. It should be remembered how great was the expense of collection. The fact was, they could never come to a complete knowledge of the sums paid in that way until they should have a committee, such as had been appointed in the year 1810, on the motion of the hon. Member for Dorsetshire, which led to a most valuable and important report. Before the late Go-Laws, I can say that the labours of the present vernment went out of office he had intended to move for a similar committee, but he hoped that the present Government would do it themselves. He then moved for a continuation of the Pension List to the latest period to which it could be made up; which was agreed to. This is what the country fellows call bringing their noses to the grindstone. This is working them; showing them up. And if we had had this all along, the infamous THING never could have come to its present height, nor the country have sunk to its present depth; the blazings and breakings would not have taken place, because the whole nation, seeing the gulf open before it, would have had the wisdom to make an "equitable adjustment" while it was possible. It never would have been sot enough to sit perked up, and prate about national faith," while it saw the whole skill and industry of the My sentiments as to the Vote by Ballot are well known to you all but, if the majority of my constituents shall say they cannot exercise their privilege of election without it, my support shall be given to it. I shall use my utmost efforts against the boroughmongers! And I affirm to you that the power which has called forth from a nobleman that scandalous and wicked interrogatory, "Is it not lawful for me to do what I will with mine own?" ought to be abolished by the law of the land. With respect to the other points, namely, the Abolition of the Slave Trade, and the Corn Ministry will be directed to effect the former; and I hope that, although the Corn Laws must be abolished by degrees, the time will soon arrive when that, as well as every other trade, will be as free as Nature and Provi dence can make it." These are the words of the AttorneyGeneral, as reported in the newspaper, and excellent words they are. They contain an honest denunciation of the most mischievous, most cruel, most detestable tyrants alive. I do not mean by this that the Duke of Newcastle belongs to this wicked set; but I repeat that boroughmongers are the most cruel, most wicked, most mischievous of wretches. The Duke complained bitterly, and would have it that the Attorney-General meant to allude to him, and, after his complaint, he went on expressing his hope that, in the present state of the country, the Ministry would not agitate the question of re form! and, speaking of the Ballot, he the noble Duke's on that point, that he had used these remarkable words: stated the necessity of entertaining that imHe trusted that no Ministry would ever per-portant question. (Hear, hear, hear.) The mit any-thing so disgraceful to the character noble Duke had referred to his opinion. Those of the country. An Englishman fought openly, opinioas had long been entertained by him; he spoke openly, he acted openly, he did not they were confirmed by the experience of his insidiously, and like an assassin, do that of whole life; and what he had said in the bewhich he was ashamed. He hoped that the ginning of the present session had been forced Election by Ballot would be scouted by all men. from him by the conviction that the question If Election by Ballot were adopted, there would of Reform could no longer be delayed, but be no common ties of feeling between them and that it must be looked at fearlessly and fairly; the other House of Parliament. since, if it were deferred longer, instead of the improvement being effected cautiously and "No common tics of feeling!" carefully within, the change might be made but let us be patient! "Ties of feel- from without, to an extent and in a manner ing!" Let us wait patiently a few days that would carry destruction to the Constitutill the new pension list gets into our to the particular object of the noble Duke in tion itself. (Hear, hear, hear.) With respect hands, and then we shall, perhaps, get bringing the present subject under the cona clearer view of the lies of feeling sideration of their Lordships, he did not know than we have already. Let us wait. what answer to give. He did not know in Lord Grey made a speech full of good, especially as t e noble Duke had not proposed what manner that House could interfere, bat sarcastic, observations on the Duke.it as a question of privilege; for then they Earl GREY said, that as so direct a personal appeal had been made to him, perhaps their Lordships would expect him to say a few words on this subject. At the same time he must own that he felt considerable difficulty in doing so, as he did not understand distinctly what was the object of the noble Duke in bringing before their Lordships the matter now introduced to their notice; nor did he understand in what way that House was to proceed. (Hear, hear.) He begged leave at once to return the noble Duke his sincere thanks, for the very flattering expressions which the noble Duke had employed in speaking of him. The noble Duke had said that it was in his power, if he chose, to save the country-that he should choose to save it, if be had the power, no one he hoped could doubt (hear, hear); and all he could say in answer to that was, that he should use his best endeavours and his utmost efforts, to the full extent of his small ability, to relieve the distresses and suppress the disturbances of the country. (Hear, hear.) That, however, was not the time to enter into the question of Reform, either with respect to its general principles or its particular details. Neither was he called on, upon that occasion, to discuss the expediency of Vote by Ballot. He might, perhaps, have strong objectious to it; but till the whole question should come before them, when it had received the sanction of the other House, he should not state his opinion upon it. If it did receive the sanction of that House, he should state the principles on which it should have his support. On the question of Reform, he should decline to state more than to make one observation in answer to what the noble Duke had said as to the agitation which the discussion of that question might produce. If that was his opinion, he should most certainly be the last person to propose such a question to the House. (Hear.) It was because his opinion was directly the reverse of might know in what way to proceed in the vindication of their privileges. The noble Duke had stated that he was alluded to, but did not say in what manner he sought redress. The noble Duke had informed him of this matter yesterday. He had expressed then-that which he had now no difficulty in repeatinghis deep regret that such a circumstance should have occurred; and if the noble Duke had stated his intention of appealing to the House, he (Lord Grey) might have been better prepared with an auswer. He could only say of the Attorney-General, that that hon. and learned Person was held in the highest estimationfor his abilities and learning as a lawyer, and for his sound principles and unblemished integrity as a man. There was one point in the matter in which the noble Duke had been mistaken. The hon. and learned Person of whom the noble Duke now complained did not appear on the occasion alluded to, as the King's Attorney-General, but as a candidate for the representation of the town of Nottingham, and he appeared there before his constituents, and addressed them in the way he thought most conducive to the promotion of his interest; and it must be admitted that if the particular words of the candidate at an election were in all cases to be brought before the House as matter of complaint, their Lordship's tinie would not be very profitably employed. However, he could say, that he did not approve of the use of the word "boroughmongers;" but he did not think that on this occasion it had been used for the purpose of selecting an individual for a personal attack. The noble Duke was, however, the proper judge of the conduct he pursued, but considering the circumstances of the case, and the feelings that prevailed throughout the country, the expression of which he complained was not mach to be wondered at. He thought it was to be attributed to that (he would not say improper, but unfortunate) declaration of the noble Duke, which had In this discussion the Lord Chanbrought on him the strong animadversions of cellor took a part, but of no interest, many persons who do not wish to wound the feelings of the noble Duke personally, but excepting in a little particular which he who have felt it to be their duty to oppose that slipped in just at the end of his speech. which they considered as an invasion of the He asserted that the speech of the freedom of election, and as calculated to injure the best interests of the country. In no Attorney-General, as reported in the other view of the matter could the honourable Morning Chronicle, was a misrepreand learned Person, whom he was proud to sentation; and he argued it from call his friend, have brought the subject" what his learned Friend was reprebefore the people of Nottingham; and if, in aui-"sented to have said about the policy madverting upon it, the honourable and learned of Government, especially with relaPerson had used strong expressions, the noble Duke must lay his account, as a public mau, tion to its foreign and colonial policy to being made the subject of observation and "a matter which it was impossible censure, and to be reprehended by those who he should have so stated, since the thought that the was wrong in his view of ques-« Government had not come to a detertions of public policy, The noble Duke had stated that he had applied to the honourable and "mination upon it." Thus, then, the learned Person for an explanation, and that Government has not determined to give he had received one; but he did not state up the West Indies, though the men what that explanation was, though he described it as full of legal sinuosities. If they who compose it have long been doing were competent to decide on this matter their utmost to force the late Govern(which he denied) it would be unjust for them ment to do so, and have kicked up the to do so, without having before them the present dust about it. terms of the explanation. It was painful to him to be called on to speak at all on this oc. casion; he felt for the soreness which the noble Duke naturally exhibited, and he regretted the circumstace that occasioned it. Having said thus much, he hoped the conversation would drop, and that their Lord-presented by Lord King. (See the petîships would proceed to the orders of the day on the questions that were before them. This was as smart a dressing as any gentleman had need to receive, and I am glad to see that, in this speech of Lord Grey, he does not reprobate even the ballot as so "fanciful" a thing. But he cannot approve of the use of the word boroughmongers! It is a strictly proper term, my Lord; a monger is a dealer, a seller. It is a good old Saxon word, meaning a dealer in something; and so, a dealer in fish is a fishmonger, a dealer in boroughs is a boroughmonger. Why not use the words then? Aye, but a dealer in boroughs is . . . . Oh, he is, is he? Monday, 6th December. tion in another part of this Register.) REGENCY. The bill, making the Duchess of Kent Regent of the Kingdom in the event of the King's death, was read a third time, and passed. HOUSE OF COMMONS. A good many petitions against Negro Slavery. REFORM. Mr. BROWNLOW presented a petition from Armagh, praying for reform in Parliament, and the voting by ballot. He agreed with the petitioners as to the necessity of Reform, and the voting by ballot. Upon which Lord Aeheson is reported to have said, that "he could not think that the inde"Spare, then, the person, and expose the vice."pendence of voters or the secrecy of "How, sir! not damn the sharper, but the" their votes could be attained by the "dice?" "ballot, even should that mode of No, no; I have always liked this good" voting be adopted, unless it were acword, boroughmonger; and Lord Grey" companied by some more effectual and the Duke may rely on it, that as security; an oppressive landlord would long as the infamous traffick is carried" still find means to ascertain whether on, so long will the opprobrious term" or not his tenants had voted according be used by the people. A dealer in" to his will, and to punish them if they boroughs is a man who buys and sells" did not so vote. He had the authority the people's rights. "of an American gentleman, well ac "quainted with the institutions of his been long deemed connected with one "own Republic, for stating that the another by us "out of doors,” but now "ballot had entirely failed to establish we find them cheek-by-jowl in the House "the independence of voters in that itself. Mr. Dawson got up to complain "country, or to put down corruption. of a paper that is in circulation, and in "It did not in any degree ensure the which great misrepresentations__are "secrecy of the votes." made as to salaries and pensions. I be The 66 more effectual security" will lieve that this paper has been made out be a good long imprisonment, with an by some one from a little work called hour's dance in the pillory, for that the Peep at the Peers, which was pub "oppressive landlord" who should dare lished about the time of the Queen's to interfere in his tenant's voting. This, trial in order to show her Majesty who of course, would accompany the mea-and what her judges were; a work sure itself. A reformed Parliament which was, I understand, made out from would sit but a very few months, at any documents such as the old pension list, rate, without inventing the means of the peerage, the red book, &c., and if securing itself against the "oppressive sums are incorrectly stated, it is, I suplandlord." He (Lord Acheson) has pose, that changes have taken place heard that the ballot has utterly failed since the book was published, but all of of effect in America. Why, it never was which will be corrected by the forthof any use there, Lord Acheson! It coming pension list. And the pennever was wanted; for, if any fellow sioners and placemen have no right to were to attempt to control a voter in complain, seeing that they have not America, that voter would spit in his provided us with correct lists every face. There is no such thing as com- year. Mr. Baring spoke after Mr. Dawpelling men to vote against their will: son, and I give his speech as I find it how should there be? Ask yourself the in the "Morning Chronicle." I never question. But your American gentle-read a speech from this man without man says, further, that the ballot has hoping that the time will come when failed to put down corruption!" there will not be four Barings in the What corruption? Corruption of the Commons' House of Parliament! Read Congress or of the people themselves? this speech, reader, and you may hope Do not the rulers of America carry on so too. the government of that vast country, containing twelve millions of people, the same subject, which were not wholly au for a smaller sum of money than pays dible. We understood him to say, that a paper describing the salaries and pensions of 113 of our privy councillors? Have public officers, had created a great sensation they not nearly paid off their debt? do in the public, and was calculated, if uncontrathe people of America die with nothing dicted, and if unexplained to shake the general in their bellies but sour sorrel? It is confidence in all public men, and even the lethe grossest of folly to argue either way he examined by a committee, and if so exagislature. He wished that the paper as to the benefit of the ballot, from any- miued he was sure that none of the objectionthing that we see in America. It is not able items would be found to belong to the wanted there, and to argue that a thing last ten or fifteen years. He wished that that, has failed because it has not been relic, and if it were brought fairly forward, he paper should be brought fairly before the pubquired, because it has not been brought was sure it would be seen that none of the into play, is nonsense. Mr. O'Connell corruption of which it was supposed to be evianswered this young Lord by pointing dence had taken place of late years. He should to the benefits derived from the ballot say that very little of such corruption had existed since he had been in the House, and in France, where it really works, and he recollected little or none of such influence. where it and tyranny could not abide The paper was calculated to produce a most together. painful effect, and to shake the confidence of SALARIES AND PENSIONS, NA- the public in all public men and in the legis lature itself. It would be proper, therefore,; TIONAL DISTRESS, REPEAL OF that a committee should analyse that paper, THE UNION. The two former have and separate the truth from the falsehood, 66 Mr. BARING made a few observations on should |