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the polytechnique medicine and law "nourable for the National Guard, is a schools, many of the legions refused to" sure guarantees that, always checked accept the crosses; and those who did" by its spirit and its force, those cul not directly refuse expressed their dis" pable efforts, from whatever quarter approbation so that the presentation" they may come, will never attain their of the crosses did not take place; but," end, and that they will infallibly fall in every respect the review was a per- upon those who should have the un fectly fine show, the accoutrements," fortunate, folly to undertakes them. order, and discipline of the troops being" I have to thank the National Guard their own pride. They seem to feel the" again for that which they have already self-complacence of men who are happy "done, and to express to them how to think that they fulfil their duty" much my heart is penetrated by the "with honour to themselves and ad- testimonies of: affection by which I vantage to their country.". The dif" was surrounded: to-day. Such are, ference, however, between gentlemen in my dear General, the sentiments the land of the Boroughmongers who "which I pray you to manifest, on my are so fond of this phrase, and these part, to the National Guard, in res French National Guard, is, that the latter" newing the assurance of my sincere do it without pay. "friendship for you.

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"Your affectionate

"LOUIS PHILIPPË,' 17. Upon this letter, you will, pers haps, be better satisfied with the remarks of a French editor, and I have selected some from the National, which is con➡ sidered one of the most independent (for a fundholder) and one of the most Why, in the good

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16. After the review, in the evening, the King held another council, always about the same concern, the ministry; and, as if the disappointed men who were about to be discarded; who had just received a sort of stigma by the non-acceptance of the crosses offered to the national guard; as if they would finish by making the King utter some-ably conducted. thing spiteful for them, and take a little "order and the striking unanimity of from his own popularity, perhaps, at the "the marks of affection of which the same time, seem to have put him in "King was yesterday the object, do his a humour at rising from his council, to" councillors this morning (Monday) write the following letter to General" see only a text upon which to address Lafayette: It is with as much plea- "menaces to those whom they pretend sure as confidence, my dear General," are factious, to artizans of sedition, " that, to be my interpreter with the whom one sees no-where? France "National Guard, I address myself to "will believe, by this language, which "him who gloriously commanded it in" is but too faithful a copy of that "the memorable epochs of 1789 and" which was addressed to us by legi➡ "1830. Always animated by the same" timacy in its days of peril, that the "patriotism which guided me in my "throne raised by our hands sees itself youth, when I was only a soldier" faced by a party who dare to menace "devoted to the sacred cause of the "it There exists nothing of the sort; "liberty of my country, and to the "no fraction of public opinion has "defence of its independence, I this day" merited the hard words which are "have doubly enjoyed seeing these" read in this letter of the King. People "superb legions of the National Guard, “are neither factious, nor conspirators, so capable at the same time of awing “nor mad, because they do not agree "the exterual enemies of the country," with Messieurs Guizot and Brogli, "and those who may attempt, by ex-or Messieurs Perriers and Molé, upon "citing agitations within, to disturb our "the right of election, and upon the "liberties and our institutions, and to question of the peerage. Yesterday "trouble that public order upon which the King, shaking hands with every "they must always depend. This day, body, and acting on his own person, "so satisfactory for me and so ho" gained the hearts of all today, the

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"King, adopting impressions which" with my colleagues, to superior ne" are not his own, for it is no longer" cessities. The end of representative the King of the Champ-de-Mars" government is, to try every name, "whom we see in this letter: the " every faculty, every public character King, we say, must appear little like" (tous les noms, tous les facultés, toutes "himself to men who observed him "les popularités); to employ them, to "yesterday. We know very well, that in sacrifice them even, in the service of fistrict constitutional language, the" the country; every one must submit "letter officially addressed to General" in his turn to this trial; circumstances "Lafayette is a ministerial act, as is" and not merit determine their duraevery thing which emanates from a "bility; circumstances have been and "King who reigns and does not govern;" will be difficult for all all owe it to but, in our present situation, a royalty "France and to the King to encounter which is quite young cannot be con- " them. In this new career, gentle- firmed but by the personal popularity" men, I shall again have to claim your "of the Prince called first to exercise it: "indulgence and your support; permit we will say, without fear of ceasing" me to invoke and to hope for them. to be respectful subjects, that this "To consolidate order, without which "popularity ought to be husbanded for" there is no real liberty; to complete, great occasions; that it would have" perfect, and, above all, cause to be "been well if the King had replied to" respected, the laws; to preserve con"marks of universal love by testi-" cord between France and the rest of manies of satisfaction equally to all;" Europe, and to prevent whatever "and that the care of intimidating and" might disturb it: such is the duty " menacing the factions, if there be any," and the wish of those to whom the King were left to a responsible ministry.' "has confided the administration of 2- 18. I will now, as the new ministry the kingdom. Happy will they be have entered on their functions, con- "who may contribute only in small clude this letter with the speech of M.“ part to so fine and noble a work! Lafitte, 'delivered in the Chamber of" This happiness, if it fall to my lot, Deputies, on the Wednesday, the day" is that alone which can make me when the Chamber met, and a few" amends for the honour which I rehours after he received his appointment. "nounce to-day, and for the deep saHis speech is as follows, if I have done" crifice which I have made in acceptjustice to it: ing the high functions to which the “Gentlemen: I come to this tribune" King has deigned to call me. I "to express to you my gratitude for all" renew, gentlemen, the expression of "the marks of kindness which I re-65 my gratitude, and I once more in"ceived from you while I had the "voke your favour and support." honour to be your president. Certainly, if I consulted nothing but my "own wishes, I should remain long in the chair where your suffrages "called me, where your indulgence *sustained me in the exercise of ho"nourable and difficult functions. But I "have yielded to the august will, which "myself and my colleages should have "thought ourselves to blame in disobey"ing. In the presence of grave events, "the best citizens, the most skilful, were distrustful in their ability, and I have not been less diffident of mine; but, the King of France wanted ministers, and I have devoted myself,

Sunday, November 7th, 1830. 19. I have not time to offer any remarks upon this speech, as I must mention M. MONTALIVET, the new Minister of the Interior. That passage, however, of M. Lafitte's speech, where he speaks of the end of representative government, has been thought approaching to naivete, and he seems to utter it from the bottom of his heart. Why, of course this is the end of representative government; and, the good of it is, that with a very slight infusion (if I may so express it) of the principle of representative government in France, and more by the will of the unorganized mass of the

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PARLIAMENT.

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people, this effect is produced. Here obliged to give up the law for the one cannot help repeating one's admi-futare.perq vizos guillisady out He ration of the common people, that is to mu.Isam, Sir, 16 salt wond say, men in their nearest state to nature, dugo Your obedient Servant,ning who, during the three days, by their 2942 the bolt War. COBBETT, JUS. deeds, have communicated the self-opi- A letter of the 9th, just received, informa nion now entertained, and the moral me, that the deposits of the printers had been power which is possessed by the people reduced one half in amount. Great alarm about at large, who gave rise to the same thing or two, about aid about Talleyrand, which the funds; and uncommon anxiety, our King's Speech. in Belgium, and have produced the same had been yet effect everywhere. tun doc bert une was looked upon as a bad sign for the ner 20. Monsieur le Comte de MONTALT-Ministry, Uncommon anxiety on the part of VET, is a peer, and by inheritance. the Government to avoid all talk about BelThe funds appear to be the only obThese are both bad things to begin with. [ject of interest with the Government. The peer, his father, was one of Buonaparte's ministers, of the most antiquated notions of Ifeudality. He was Minister of the Interior also, and he always en- LORD WINCHILSEA'S intended imodeavoured that the mayors of com- tion on the subject of assessments upon munes and such persons were of a kind the land to employ men who are out of of nobility. There is also ancient nobi-work. This is the rub, the real ruh. lity and modern nobility, and his taste Here the question between fund-lords was towards the crust and mould and and land-lords comes to issue. They bones of the ancients. The present mi- come slap up in one another's teeth, and nister is rather young, being not more both cannot prevail. It is come now to than twenty-nine. His principles are what I always said it would, a question not bad; that is to say good, but rather, as to which shall be devoured by the I believe, negatively. The Chamber of cannibals of Change Alley," the Peers, which had been appointed to re-labourer or the landlord; and the burnsume its sittings on Monday, met yes-ings and breakings in Kent, Sussex, and terday, and upon the order of the day Surrey are nothing more than the profor considering a law passed by the De-gress of this question, or, rather, they puties, this minister made his first are its crisis. My readers will rememspeech. The occasion was, 1 : abrogat-ber how often I have said that it would ing a law of the 11th of September, 1907, come to this very thing, burning and regulating the pensions for military ser destroying; and they will also rememvices, and, 2 reviving those pensions ber that I have not a few times said also, which had been granted, under this law, that it would begin in Sussex or Kent. since the 1st of January, 1828. M. Mon- I knew that English labourers would talivet, of course, supported the law, and not lie down and die to any number in a speech of some length, observed, with nothing but sour sorrel in their that "retroactivity was odious to those bellies (as two did at Acton in the be"who wish for the preservation of social ginning of this summer); I knew that “order, and that, as it would compro- they would never receive the extreme "mise the government without serving unction and die of hunger, as the poor it, it would be impugned by no one Irish did, and be praised for their resig "more than by himself." So that the nation by Bingham-Baring or Baring Revolution is not to be made stationary Bingham, or whatever else he is, who by him. Apropos, of the commence- found out, during the panic, that bankment of the new ministry, and also of ruptcy and insolvency was caused by a the temper, disinterestedness and, above plethora of money; and who has now all, wisdom of the hereditary peers, they found out that England, owing to its passed the first part of the law but re-position and the nature of its popula jected the second. No looking, peeping tion," must always, to a certain degree, into pensions, said they; but they were feel distress! From its position 1. 4

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sknew that all the palaver in the world, fearful thing,bis, that the burnings and
all the wheedling, coaxing, praying breakings are to be followed, and imme
knew that all the blustering and threat-diately, too, by inquiry into the state of
ening I knew that all the teachings of the poor; the poor are to be bettered
all the Tract Societies; that all the in- immediately on their determining to be
prisoning, whipping, and harnessing to so. What is this, then, but justice ex-
carts and wagons; I knew that all torted And who is fool enough not to
'these would fail to persuade the honest, see how much better it would have
sensible and industrious English labour-been to avoid this by a timely attention
er, that he had not an indefeasible right to the distresses of the people is There
to live, God! with what indigna- are two noblemen, the DUKE of RICH
tion did I hear the unfortunate Irish MOND and LORD WINCHILSEA, Whose
praised because they died of want, while conduct is deserving of great praise in
their country abounded in the means of this respect. The former brought the
subsistence! There is no man, not of subject before the House of Lords last
a fiend-like nature, who can view the year, in a manner that did him great
destruction of property that is now going credit, and the exertions of LORD WIN
on in the Southern counties without the CHILSEA at this time are calculated
greatest pain, but I stand to it, that it to do great good. But the subject
is the strictly natural course of things, wants a thorough examination, etylThe
where the labourer, the producer, will state of the poor, declining year after
not starve. What is his homely reason-year, for many years past, just in propor-
ing upon the case I work twelve tion as the state of the loan-monger
hours a day to produce this food; I do has been improving; this requires tho-
"all the real labour, and you, who
fstand by and look over me; deny
“me] [even-subsistence out of it:
“no, if you give me none of it, you shall
have none yourself, at any rate,"
And to work he goes, burning and de-
stroying. Baring says, that the excesses
that the lower orders may be driven to
by violent language, will only make
them worse off instead of alleviating
their distresses. That is a very fashion-
able argument; but none the wiser for
that. What, could these two men who
died at Acton, with sour sorrel in their
bellies could these men be worse off
than they were ? Eat a little sour sor-
rel yourself, Baring; take a stretch out
into the country for three or four days,
without a farthing in your pockets, by
way of test; and, if you feel hungry, eat
a little sour sorrel yourself;blie three or
four nights in a barn, or under a hedge;
get some rough fellow to put you up to
auction, and bid you not go near your
wife; faith, I believe you would be
ready to set fire to any-thing, except the
Thames. But the horrible, the humi-
liating thing, the thing that I have al-
ways, in speaking and writing, and whe-
ther in public or in private, spoken of as
a thing to avoid the galling and the

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rough exposure. They have gone on, pari passu, the labourer sinking and the loan-monger rising; and there is already matter enough in printed re ports of committees of the House of Commons to convince anybody of the fact but a loan-monger-boroughmonger. Mr. HARVEY, on Friday night, moved a resolution directing the members of the House to furnish a kind of confession; but he withdrew it in order to bring it forward in an improved shape. Mr. Husn brought the King's printer to light, a Mr. SPOTTINWOODE. The office of King's printer has been one of the innumerable good things belonging to the THING. It is amusing to see, as this THING is day by day unfolding itself, how delicately all its parts are strung together. No wonder the Duke, if he had had it to do, wold have invented just such a thing as we now have! Mr. Hume's speech upon this is well worth reading.fue la dynas

"

HOUSE OF LORDS.–Nov. 4. The House met at four o'clock, and the Lord Chancellor read his Majesty's Answer to their Lordships' Address.

**EMPLOYMENT FOR LABOURERS.

The Earl of WINCIILSEA gave notice that he should lay a bill on their Lordships' table to

provide for the support and maintenance of themselves-blind to that situation of great agricultural labourers, by enabling the Jus-trust in which they were placed, and they tices of the Peace to make assessments on the would neglect the duties they owed to their land to employ such as were not employed, and to give relief to those landowners who employed the labourers.

country, the confidence of which in the wisdon of Parliament had been much shaken, if they did not take some measures to win DECLARATION AGAINST MINISTERS. back the respect and confidence of the The Earl of WINCHIESEA Went on to say, that people. He firmly believed, that if ever being on his legs, he would take that oppor- the trust reposed by the Constitution in their Lordships should become blind to tunity of expressing the heartfelt gratification them, the Constitution would not survive. which he felt at the honest, the eloquent ap: They must do justice to the people, and then peal which had been made to the House the they would have the people ready to support other evening by Earl Grey. He sincerely and maintain those laws which were necessary hoped that the course of policy which that noble Earl laid down, both as to our foreign and domestic concerns, would meet the approbation of his Majesty's Government, and that it would have the good sense to adhere to the great principle of non-interference. It was not by arming one part of the population against another that we could now ward off the danger which threatened us, or that the security of property and of the institutions of the country could be maintained. If the people had grievances and God knew they had; if these grievances were not redressed, there would be no security for property, and their Lordships would live to see our best institutions overturned. The best and only security was to be found in doing ample justice to the people, and in relieving their distress, and for this purpose an inquiry should be instituted into the condition of the great body of the agricultural labourers, who were loyal and faithful, but suffering very greatly. He could

to the security and prosperity of all. He regretted very much that the King's Speech bad not alluded to the great pressure under which the peasantry of the country and the agricul tural interest laboured; and he regretted that his Majesty had not recommended the House to take that interest into its consideration. of the confidence of the country, and other The present Ministers were not in possession the country from danger. He firmly believed individuals placed in theirstations must rescue that all the Protestant part of the community had no confidence in the present Administration, and could only place confidence in such men as the noble Duke (Richmond, we believe) and the noble Earl (Grey, we believe), who had always acted consistently, and had never betrayed their principles and the confidence of other men, in a mauner unparalleled in the history of the country. Such men possessed and deserved the confidence of the great body of the country. Such was the unpopularity of the present Ministry, that he be lieved, were it not for the influence of their office, they could not find in the new Parlia ment fifty votes to support their Administrahe hoped, ere long, to see another set of men tion. For the peace and safety of the country, in their places, for they could not hold office without endangering all the institutions of the

country.

not restrain his astonishment at hearing the declaration made by the noble Duke the other evening, relating to Parliamentary Reform. The noble Duke thought our present Legislature so perfect, that he stated, "that if he had to form a Legislature, he would create one, not equal in excellence to the present, for that he could not expect, but something as nearly of the same description as possible. He could give nothing more perfect, more capable of satisfying the empire. than the pre-low tone that he was scarcely audible below the The Duke of WELLINGTON spoke in such sent Parliament!" (Hear.) That was not bis opinion. Moderate reform ought to take bar. It was not usual to make such attacks place, such as had been described by the noble and such speeches without some intimation Earl the other evening, with whose eloquently-fer to what had been said in former debates. neither was it usual for their Lordships to reexpressed sentiments he most cordially agreed. If reform, moderate reform, did not take place, he could assure the noble Duke that he would himself speedily witness the destruction of the best institutions of the country. He agreed fully with the sentiments of the noble Earl as to the degree of reform; he did not agree to the opinion that every man has a right to vote for Members of Parliament; he did not agree to the principle of universal suffrage, for the right of the people was to have a good government, and that was the best government which secured the interests and gave the most satisfaction to the enlightened body of the people. The present times were of no ordinary character. We were surrounded by dangers, and their Lordships would be blind to what they owed to

At least, too, if that were the case, what was referred to ought to be stated accurately. The noble Earl had not represented correctly what had fallen from him..

The Earl of WINCHILSEA had no wish to misrepresent any thing; that was not his intention, and it would only have been fair in the noble Duke had he stated in what manner he had misrepresented him. then moved that their Lordships be summon, ed for Thursday next.

The noble Earl

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

The House met on Friday at two o'clock, and shortly afterwards Mr. Speaker accompanied by Lord Grimston and Mr. Dundas (the mover and seconder of the address) car.

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