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put it a little while in the fire to take off the shine, make an eye at one end of it, draw the other end through that eye, and thus you have a noose of the capacity required to admit the rabbit's head without touching the wire. You then fasten the other end of the wire to a stout peg or pin. Thus prepared, you go to the haunts of the rabbits, and having fixed upon a proper spot in their paths, you drive the pin down into the ground at about a foot from the path, then opening the noose to the extent required, and making a little bend in the wire to keep it that extent, you take

"hanged them." Indeed, so might these ravenous Whigs treat the Duke, if he were to suffer them to eat taxes. Rabbits breed and increase at a rate perfectly enormous, but not more so than Scotch place-hunters. If Brougham and Hume and the couple of Grants; if only these two couple were let alone for a year, all England would be overrun by the devouring litters that they would gather about them.

No. VII.

en 1830.

TO THE

BRAVE PEOPLE OF PARIS.

On the appointment of TALLEYRAND
PERIGORDE to be the Minister of the
King of the French to the Court of
London.

FRIENDS,

Barn-Elm Farm, 12th September, 1830.

a little stick (in the Hampshire poacher's TABLEAU DE L'ANGLETERRE phrase, a toiler), cut a sort of mouth in one end of it, and, sticking the other end into the ground, you put the mouthend under the middle of the noose, which is thus nicely up at a proper height to receive the head of the rabbit. By and by, in the dark, comes the rabbit dancing along, anticipating the clover, as the Edinburgh Reviewers are now anticipating the sweets of the taxes; his head goes through the noose, down drops the toiler, he finds himself entangled, pulls to disentangle himself, I, WHO, on the 16th of August, had the harder he pulls the tighter becomes the honour to preside at a meeting of the noose, he dances and pulls in every Englishmen, wlio agreed to that Address direction, and, at last, down he falls, choked by his own efforts, and in the morning you find him with head doubled in size by his fatal efforts, with eyes forced from their sockets, and, if in a corn or grass field, lying on a circular spot, about four feet in diameter, the grass or corn trampled down as smooth as the turnpike-road. Just in this way I will deal with the Edinburgh Reviewers and the traiterous faction of whom they are the tools, except that I will wire them by daylight. The public will see how they will bounce and dance and pull and fling; and, at last, tumble down senseless and motionless, leaving us to regret only that, in this respect unlike the rabbits, neither their carcasses nor their skins are of any earthly use. They turn out the Duke! They! Lord Cochrane's rabbits were just as able to turn him out of his farm; aye, and more able, for they might have eaten him out of it, if he had not

which was, on the 24th of August, presented by Sir Thomas Beevor, to your representatives at the Hotel de Ville; I, who had the honour, as Chairman of the Meeting, to sign that Address; I, who then felt as well as expressed my admiration of your conduct, and who did no more than express the feelings and sentiments of all the friends of freedom in England; I, who am now engaged in collecting from thousands of working men, the little that they are able to give towards the widows and orphans of the brave men who so gloriously fell in the last week of July; I, who have from the day that your achievement was announced to us, had to perform the delightful task of expressing my joy at the prospect of seeing your innumerable sacrifices and deeds of valour rewarded at last by the establishment of real liberty in your beautiful country, so long trampled on by tyrants; I, who felt thus, only a few

days ago, am now, by the appointment | Napoleon in the killing of the Duke of TALLEYRAND PERIGORDE, impelled by d'ENGHIEN, and who signed the Boura sense of duty towards my country, bon ordinance for the arrest and subsetowards you, and towards myself, to quent killing of Marshal NEY! What! express to you frankly my opinions with this very Talleyrand now a great confiregard to this ominous appointment; dential minister of the "Citizen King an appointment which has filled all men of the French," whose claims to the with astonishment, and all the friends people's confidence are, that he has of freedom with disappointment and never changed, that he has never fought disgust not to be described. but under the tri-coloured flag, that he What! the people of England ex- has always held the doctrine of the soveclaim, that man, that Talleyrand, that reignty of the people! What! this very same Talleyrand who, born Talleyrand sent to reside with that very amongst the noblesse, and become court, at which POLIGNAC had so long priest and bishop, cast off the callot and resided, and which he quitted only to the mitre, broke his ecclesiastical vows, go and carry into execution a plot for and voted to put down the order of enslaving France! This Talleyrand, nobles, and to seize the property of this Grand Chamberlain of Charles X., the church; that Talleyrand who was sent to watch over the interests of “Citizen Minister" under the republic, France in that country where Charles X. and "Prince Minister" under the em- is residing, and where he is openly pire; that Talleyrand who was the cherished by the aristocracy, and secretchief adviser and flatterer of Napoleon, ly by others! Such, Frenchmen, are his chief instrument in all his usurpa- our exclamations at this astonishing tions on the people's rights, who aban-appointment. But a little time for redoned him the moment he was in dan-flection diminishes our astonishment, ger, and became the instrument of his though it by no means weakens our enemies; that Talleyrand who, on the part of the Bourbons, signed the declaration of Vienna of 1815, in virtue of which a million and eleven thousand hostile bayonets were borne into France, by which France was compelled to surrender not only all that she acquired by her glorious victories, but also many of her old frontier towns, by which a tribute of seven hundred millions of francs was imposed upon her, by which she was compelled to maintain in her territory, and at her own expense, a hundred and fifty thousand foreign troops for five years; that Talleyrand, who gave up, without remonstrance, the museums to be stripped by those who had entered France under the name of allies; that Talleyrand, that same Talleyrand, who signed the Bourbon proclamation for abolishing the names of the bridge of Jena, of Austerlitz, of Arcole, and for destroying every memorial of the glorious deeds of the armies of France: what! exclaim the people of England, that same Talleyrand, that identical Perigorde successively noble, priest, bishop, citizen, and prince, who justified

suspicions. In such cases men imitate the habits of sagacious hounds. When the game is first started we run on eagerly, paying little attention to circumstances; but when we come to something that checks us, we first express our surprise, and then we, like the hounds, try back; and we soon discover, that, in our haste, we have omitted to attend to many things which ought to have put us upon our guard, and to have induced us to come to conclusions with more care. We have received a check of this sort in the appointment of Talleyrand; and, therefore, we are now trying back. In doing this, we see several things which ought to have made us hesitate; amongst which things are the following:

1. It ought to have appeared very strange to us that the Duke of Orleans, who must have known the intentions of POLIGNAC as well, at least, as the journalists of Paris, never gave any marks of his displeasure at those intentions; but, on the contrary, lived on terms of perfect harmony with the court and ministry to the very eve of the execution of

the plot. Nay, even when the tyranni-fills! Another of the ministers is M. cal ordinances had been issued, the Duke GUIZOT, who is, it seems a Protestant, did not appear. He must have known and has written a pamphlet in praise of that they had been issued; and still the English Revolution of 1688. As to he kept aloof from the people; and it his character of Protestant, though I was not till the people had put down am one, I know that it is to Protestants the tyrants, that the Duke of Orleans that we owe the loss of our liberties; made his appearance; and then out he and if he really have praised our Revopopped all at once upon the people, in lution of 1688, he has done, in fact, that the shape of a " Lieutenant-General of which CorTU had done before him. the kingdom," a title recognised by That was a revolution, not by or for the Charles with as much naïveté as if him- people, but against their interests and self had suggested it! their wishes; and this I will prove, when I get a copy of M. Guizot's pamphlet. In short, it is against the effects of that Revolution, that the people of England have been at war for a hundred and fifty years.

2. It might, if we had taken time to reflect, have appeared very strange to us, that the Lieutenant-General was transformed into a king in about sixty hours, and that, too, without any apparent or assignable reason. Then, Charles 4. The not bringing the criminal and his son abdicated so exactly in point ministers to trial might have opened of time, and this also without any ap-our eyes some time ago. What GOOD parent reason; for, as to the people, reason can there have been for this dethey did not care a straw whether they lay? The king got off upon his irresponabdicated or not. Besides, they did not sibility; that charter which he violated abdicate for the grandson. They were was to protect him; and why? because compelled to go away, observe that; his ministers were responsible. Why not and the Duke of Orleans being made try them, then! If they escape, who king, afforded the only remaining chance will then doubt that foul play is meant of preserving the Bourbon dynasty in towards the people? France. Charles's slow march to the coast; the false story about his being bound to America; the curious fact of American ships being employed, and by whom! the large sum of money settled on him; the American ships bringing him to England: all these are additional circumstances to prove, that there was something at work, which was carefully kept from the knowledge of the people. 3. In the ministry, appointed by the FAYETTE had any influence, but were new king, it was curious that one should "glad that he was not in the ministry." be that very Baron Louis who was Observe, too, the conduct of Russia! one of the ministers chosen by Louis At first the French flag was proscribed XVIII., when, in 1815, he was a second in the ports of Russia; but when there time forced upon France! At the head had been time to communicate stateof that ministry, who, in fact, were ap-secrets from France, Russia relented! pointed by the Allies, was Talleyrand; She had been told what was intended next to him came this Baron Louis, in France; she had been told all the who, it seems was also a priest, and secrets; and then she had no longer was a canon under Talleyrand, when the any alarm. latter was a bishop! It might, if we had taken time to reflect, have seemed very strange to us, that the "citizen-king" could find, in all France, no man fit to fill the place that this priest-baron now

5. Then let us look at the conduct of our ministerial newspapers. When the news of the revolution first arrived, they condemned it; but in about ten days, they began to change their tone; they hoped that the republicans would be kept down ; when the names of the new ministry appeared, they applauded the choice, and particularly of Baron Louis! They "lamented that a man like LA

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6. It would have been impossible to look well at all these circumstances without perceiving that the great object of most of the men in power was to make no real change, either in the go

too, without being permitted to have a vote in the choosing of those who are to lay the taxes and spend the money? No man in his senses can believe this; and yet this he must believe, if he believe that the present Chambers can long go on in their present way.

vernment or the dynasty; and that, terms; but, will they consent to do it, whatever might be the intention of the Duke of Orleans himself, the intention of others was, that he should only keep the place warm for the other branch of the Bourbons, when circumstances might favour their return! And, if to the weight of all these circumstances we add the glaring, the unequivocal proof, afforded by the appointment of Talleyrand as ambassador to the English court, it is impossible not to be convinced that foul play of some sort is intended towards the people of France. I am certain that this second plot will succeed no better than the first; but, it is necessary now to be upon our guard, and to judge by actions and not by words.

8. It appears to me, that the scheme now in contemplation is to prevent any shock being given to the national debt. England has been enslaved by a national debt, which has transferred, and is constantly transferring, the fruit of the people's labour into the pockets of Jews and fund-owners and fund-jobbers; and the same would, in time, be the result in France, if the system could be there supported. But, besides other circum7. In the meanwhile the inefficiency of stances, there is this great difference in the Chambers and the ministry seems the two cases. Such a system cannot quite wonderful. They appear to do be carried on without great military nothing; or, at least, nothing worth force; our military force is a regular naming. The people, the common army; but the great military force in people, have put down a tyrant; but, as France is the armed people themselves; yet, all they appear to have gained by it it consists of those who pay the taxes, is to send money for him to spend in and not of those who live upon the England, instead of giving it to him to taxes. This is the widest difference spend in France! That appears to be that the mind of man can imagine. The their gain. The hereditary law-givers chief reason for suppressing the National still exist; all the taxes still exist; and, Guard was, in fact, that it was seen they what is still worse, the Chambers make could long be made to pay the taxes, if no new law of election! This is exactly they had arms in their hands; but who what our boroughmongers want. But is the man to propose to suppress them they will be deceived; they may see again? And, therefore, all the hopes confusion in France; they may see that our aristocracy entertain of quiet bloodshed in that country; but never submission in the people of France to will they see that people, consisting of heavy taxes, and exclusion from the eight millions of adult male inhabitants, consent to be ruled by the votes of eighty thousand. What! will two millions of national guards, with arms in their hands, and under the command of LAFAYETTE, ever again consent that nobody shall exercise the sovereignty of the people but eighty thousand rich men? Will these two millions of men ever again consent, on any terms, to give up the fruit of their labour to pay the interest of debts which were, in great part, contracted to pay foreign powers for enslaving them, and traitors 9. At any rate, it is the affair of you, for betraying them; will they ever the people of France, to take care of again consent to give up the fruit of yourselves; you have by your valour their labour for this purpose, on any put down open violence, take good care

right of voting, will prove fallacious. There may be troubles, there may be confusion, there may be strife; but the people will, at last, prevail. If the King of the French be wise, and I hope he is, he will turn his back on all those who would persuade him that the people are to be blinded to their interests and defrauded of their rights; and he will learn. in time to shun the example rather than listen to the advice of those, amongst whom he is now about to send the political Proteus of Europe.

now not to be wheedled into slavery by aristocracy the other, and the King is hypocrisy and fraud; you have bared appealed to by the former, in the way your breasts to the sabres, bayonets, of petition. This petition was, on and bullets, of the mercenaries of san- Monday evening last, submitted to guinary tyrants, take good care to guard 1,348 persons at the least, assembled at your hearts against the crocodile delu- the Rotunda, Blackfriars Road, and was sions of the rapacious band of loan- agreed to without one dissenting voice. mongers, stock-jobbers, placemen, and In the next Register will be named the pensioners, who might, indeed, not shed several places, in and near London, at your blood, but who would, in time, which the petition will be deposited for reduce you to that misery which is the signing. In the meanwhile, a large most painful consequence of slavery. edition will be printed, and sold at a You have bravely won your freedom, penny each, and may be had at my and now is your time to secure it for shop, No. 183, Fleet-street. By the ever. No other power can move against hundred, 6s. If written for from the you without aid from the purse of country (letters post-paid), they will be England, and England has no purse wherewith to aid any power. Go on, therefore; cease not till you have established your liberty on the basis of equal rights, without which the sovereignty of the people is a mockery; cease not till there is not left one single wretch so insolent as to propose to take a tax, direct or indirect, from him who is denied the right to vote; cease not till your example shall have effaced from the human mind the base idea that the mass of mankind were made to be underlings of aristocracy. Where much is given much is required; God has given to you a more fertile soil, a finer climate, greater sources of power, than to any other nation; he has given you, in addition, as much valour as the heart of man can contain; set, therefore, an example, which shall at once show your gratitude to God, and evince the sincerity of your desire to see the bands of oppression broken in every part of the world.

WM. COBBETT.

MANIFESTO

OF THE INDUSTRIOUS CLASSES OF
ENGLAND.

MANIFESTOES are declarations of parties who are about to commence a serious struggle; and they set forth the grounds upon which the parties proceed. Suclare the nature and the object of the following petition to the King The people are one party, the

sent to any part of the country. When signed, in any town, the petition may be brought up to the King by deputation, or sent to some one in London to be presented. The petition which goes to the King ought to be written in a plain hand. None but men, or youths above 16 years, ought to sign it. If a man cannot write, he should take a friend to sign for him in his presence.

TO THE

KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. The Petition of the under-signed persons, belonging to the Industrious Classes of London and its vicinity, dated this 13th day of September, 1830,

Most humbly showeth,

That we approach your Majesty, not as blind adorers of royalty, but as faithful and dutiful subjects, whose fidelity and duty are founded in our conviction, that, in highly honouring and cheerfully obeying your Majesty, in upholding, with all our might, your just prerogatives, and evincing our most profound respect for your person, we best consult our own welfare, knowing that you are endowed with those preroga tives for the common good of us all, and not for your own exclusive advantage.

That feeling ourselves thus bound to your Majesty, not by harsh constraint but by a willing obedience arising from

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