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exacted from the infatuated monarch who permitted himself to be dethroned, an absolute unconditional abdication.*
“Are the people satisfied with the result of the three days? Is the clergy tranquil, submissive, and content ? Can we flatter ourselves that the army is unanimous, or cordially attached to our new Government ? Even the devotion of the National Guard cannot be obtained by the influence of the La Fayette party. And in fifteen or twenty months, as in ten or fifteen years, why may not capricious Fortune raise up successively or simultaneously the army of Henry V., the army of the Republic, the army of Napoleon II., and the army
of Orleans, disputing the Sovereignty, without mentioning the foreign powers which may introduce friends of one party, enemies of another. --whom, nevertheless, we must induce to evacuate one part of the French territory by sacrificing the other. :
“What we have witnessed for the last forty years, may well make us believe that that which in the
This idea of the crown being held by Louis Philippe as a deposit was prevalent during the first months of the Revolution, because no one could believe that the Usurpation was in good earnest. Time, however, has proved that he considers himself the positive proprietor of the Crown,
future seems impossible, is, in fact, very probable. Legitimacy betrayed, and Liberty deceived: here are two sources of Vengeance, which oaths cannot stifle. A discontented people overturns on the morrow the idol of to-day; and Philippe may some day find it expedient to call in Henry against the people of whom he is now the King, as the army may equally call in Napoleon II. against Philip, for there are no prodigies for Time. In a crisis like the present, characterised by the most energetic patriotism, and by a spirit of justice and moderation after the victory, never yet manifested on the earth, Reason would have desired to preserve the influence of the throne in order to preserve the country; but instead of this, not content with two Pretenders to the Crown, with thoughtless rashness we have summoned into the lists a third. It is all over with order and confidence amid the distrust and fear and anxiety of mind vacillating between the hope of the best, and the fear of the worst.
“ The essential object of the three days' struggle was to reduce the power of the throne. Why after it then immediately make a Revolution, which has robbed our struggle of all its moral force ? All that we can have done now is to have placed an honourable man upon the throne, but who can suppose that mere personal character is a sufficient support for the office of a King.
“ The opinion and the good faith of Europe are yet but conjectures, and these are usually deceitful; yet certainly we may presume that Philip Regent would have inspired more confidence than Philip King. And this not on account of the popular volcano which crushed in three days the right divine of kings (for at least in this case justice and honour went hand in hand with liberty), but on account of that child so unjustly thrown off by the very Prince who ought to have been his protector against all the world. Nevertheless, this child, having a positive right, leaves to Louis-Philippe only a questionable one, and we all know that in politics this is an element of trouble and disorder. The cries of Innocence unjustly excited are now indeed with difficulty distinguished, like the moaning of the thunder heard at intervals in the far distance, which, however, gradually swells into a storm of overwhelming sound and irresistible fury. In the general uncertainty which is the inevitable consequence of our situation, the conscience of some, the cupidity of others, and the absolute interests of many, will finish through their union, by putting the great mass in motion.
“ In the mean time at Vienna, the rejecters of 1814 being themselves now rejected, those who were then deprived of their rights will begin to believe that they may yet be re-established. Here therefore are two prospects alike ill-promising of repose. The second is doubtless less alarming at the present moment. It can only be classed at present among possible events; there requires time only to place it in the probable, and then it will be nearer reality. In politics those affairs of which they speak the least are often those with which they occupy themselves the most.”
When a man will not fight, he must be content to be kicked. Our Minister has announced to the world that nothing will induce him to resent an insult, or defend an interest; and the Lord Chancellor has made a Doctrinaire speech upon Peace, full of sound and fury. Russia has destroyed Poland, Austria has invaded Italy, France sends her flying expeditions, or plants her permanent colonies at her will, but principally against our old allies, or in the neighbourhood of our old possessions; and England, or Lord Grey, is quiet, and compensated and consoled for all these agreeable adventures by the proud recollection that the Prince of Saxe Coburg is the King of the Belgians.
The affair of Ancona requires a slight notice. A short time back, Sir Richard Vyvyan, merely from curiosity, and other causes, enquired of our noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs, whether there were any truth in the announcement of that morning in the Times newspaper, that an expedition