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ing it, to the prejudice of the nation. But the that the suffrage, appointed by that bill, middle classes mean all who possess property, , is to be less extensive than it was before; except the few whu, though possessing adividually large properties, possess but a small and if this be the case, then I share of the property of the nation. The Mr. Drummond is right, and that I prefer middle classes, therefore, are interested in oh- things to remain just as they are, rather taining all that beuefits the ration, and pre- than to see the country delivered orer to venting all that injures the nation. Whatever affects them affects the working classes. They
a damned aristocracy of money, which, are the great accumulators of capital ; and as besides its injustice, besides the endless they are thriving or suffering, the working and remorseless oppressions that it must | classes thrive or suffer. The whole, therefore, engender, must lead to open war between of what Mr. Drummoud says, respecting the the rich and the working people. transference of power from the aristocracy to the delegates of the middling classes, is a
The doctor is very much deceived, if poor, paltry piece of sophistry. The aristo- he believes, that the “ great accumularacy will retaiu all the power that any man tors of property” have interests uentiought to bave, the power of legislating, sub-fied with those of the working-people. ject to a responsibility to those whose weal or woe is affected by their legislature. Rich The doctor has forgotten the combinamen will in general be chosen to represent the tion-laws, which severely punished the people; but it will be rich men less able to bodies of working-men for combining, It will be the wolf without his teeth. There is and made it compulsory on them to inino way of leaving power to the aristocracy, peach their comrades on oath, if called without responsibility to either the iniddling upon so to do, while those laws inflicted classes or to all classes, which shall not be only a slight fine on the “ accumulaliable to gross abuse. There is no principle tors,” and imposed on them no oath hetter established than that, if we wish to guard agaiost abuse-they who pay the taxes for the accusation of one another, in should chuose those who have the disposal of case of their combining against the them.
workmen. The interests are not suffi Now, though Mr. Drummond is ciently identified to make the master a wrong in wishing all political power to good voter for the man; and the Doc. remain with the aristocracy, the Doctor tor may be well assured, that, if votes is equally wrong in what he says upon were given only to the “ accumulators," the subject. Mr. Drummond says, give aud if such a Parliament could exist the suffrage to all or leave it where it is for any length of time, monopoly, on I should have said the same from the the one hand, and degradation and star-. beginning, had I not seen in the ten-vation on the other, would become pound voters, in great towns, the means more hideous than they are now. The of putting in froin fifty to a hundred working people can never have their members; by the voice of the working interests attended to; can never be people. This was not enough to con- fairly treated, till they have the choos, tent me, and I always said 50; but, as ing of members themselves. Enougb of the rotten boroughs were all to be disfran- them, to have spoken the voice of the chised, and as the working people were whole of them, would be the case, if to have the sending of these menibers every man in the great towns renting a to Parliament, I was willing to take the house at the rate of ten pounds a year had bill as it stood, and to give it a fuir a vote; but this is what I believe neither trial, and this I say still. The Doctor party intend they shall have; I believe says, that the greater extent of suffrage that both parties mean
to support the is not worth quarrelling about. No, bill, as far as it goes to take away
the provided all the rest of the bill be car-right of voting from the working peoried into full effect; but, while the ple, and to give the right of voting to Doctor is arguing with Mr. Drummond, no one working man; and I agree with upon the assumption that it is still the Mr. Drummond, that this would be takbill, and the whole bill, which is again ing away power from the aristocracy to be proposed, he gives us pretty" to give it to delegates of the middle plainly to understand, that the whole" class, and thereby really convert the bill is not again to be proposed; and “ monarchy into a bud Republic;" but I
do not agree with him, that it would sion and sinecure and grant and deado , leave the working people as they were weight list and the thundering standing before: knowing, as I do, that it would army would not have existed at this make their situation a great deal worse day; and they know too that those than it was before.
whom Mr. Drummond justly calls deleThe Doctor does, it seems, “know gates from the middle class, would
very " that fears are entertained that if the gladly suffer all the abuses to remain.:
suffrage were extended to the working. In short, unless there be real voting by
people, they would exercise it injudi- a large portion of the working people ciously.” Who is it? Who, I pray in the great towns; unless the bill proyou, Doctor, is it that entertains these vide effectually for this, the change must fears? Not the Tories ; for you tell be for the worse; and the end must be us that their pretended fears are so something like what we have seen at much of base hypocrisy; you tell us, Lyons, or a great deal worse. A majority of that they have got their hands in the the working people would have accepto : people's purses, and that it is in vain to ed of the former bill; any bill that expect to produce any effect upon them shall give them less power than that, by reasoning. It must be the W’nigs they will reject with disdain ; and they hen; it must be those sincere creatures will either overpower those who are sewho have their fears, that the working lected to be voters, and make them vote people would make an injudicious as they please; or they will burst out choice of members !! That they would, into acts of violence. for instance, be so very injudicious as not to elect Brougham's man, MACAULAY, Brougham, which pervade Mr. Drummond's
The bitter vituperations of Lords Grey and for the town of Leeds; and that some Letter, reflect no honour on him. It is paintown or other might, in the excess of ful to hear a man who lays claim to a more their injudiciousness, happen to elect than puritanical perfection asserting that “ the me ! This would be the Devil all Lords Grey and Brougham against the minis
passions of all ranks have been excited by over; the very thought of this last in ters of religion and the hereditary councillors particular is enough in all conscience of the King who opposed them, in order that.. to fill the honest Whigs with fear. To the upholders of our ancient institutions might be sure! They want to have bands of their new constitution.” The ministers of reli
be intimidated into becoming accessories to monopolizers to surround them.
They gion! Does religion teach that the people ought know well, that, if the working people to be plundered—that the souls of the poor had chosen any of the members of ought to be sacrificed by their becoming vile Parliament, Sturges Bourne's bills would and corrupt tools in the hands of the rich, in
order that the latter may obtain the plunder never have been passed ; that hired of this world as an equivalent for damnation overseers never would have existed ; in the next? Ministers of religion supportthat justices of the peace never would ing boroughmongering! The religion of the have been authorised to transport men Devil! We bave no objection to Mr. Drum
mond's prayers or psalms; but we cannot for poaching; that men never would understand the religion which would look with have been hanged, by clear law, for hit-complacency on the vile spectacle which a geting other men without doing them bo- neral election in England presents-a spectacle dily harm. Yes, the Whigs know well which yo doubt suggested to Mr. Burke the
“ swinish multitude ?” And do not these that a House of Commons, in which ministers of religion, as well as Mr. Drumthere had been only ten men chosen by mond, know, that boroughmongering can only common people, never would have effect its end by the degradation of that portion passed a bill authorising the sale of the of the poor necessary to the working of their
detestable machinery ? dead bodies of the poor, while the pensioners, and sinecure-people, and dead- I
agree with the Doctor, that what weight people, are to have their bodies Mr. Drummond says about the ministers taken proper care of. The Whigs of religion is ridiculous enough ; but, I know all this; and they know too, that do not believe that the working people if there had been only two men really are now more tools in the hands of the chosen for the working people, the pen-boroughmongers than the delegates
would be tools in the hands of the Whigs. nisters, while the people have been cajoled John Wood voted for the dead bodyl Anti Reformers would not allow Ministers any
“ hy the phantom of reforin." Why, if the bill; and a man that would do that, intermission—if they warred with Ministers to would stick at nothing. No, Doctor : ihe knife, as it were, from the first proposal of it was not the spectacle of bribed drunk- reform to this day, how, in God's name, could en voters at elections that suggested to they propose with advuntage any thing bene
The labourers have BURK the phrase "swinish multitude.” ficial to the labourers?
been materially injured by the reform agila.. The pensioned hack meant thereby to tion; but the criminality of the injury rests characterise the whole of the working with those who endeavour to defeat a measure people, knowing that it would please calculated to benefit the nation, and not with his base Whig patrons. It has always Ministers, is one of the causes of the distress
Mr. Drummond, who accuses been a characteristic of that faction to of tise labourers. Let us have air honest Pere encourage those whom you call the liment, and we shall be able to deal innestly accuxulators, at the expense of those i wiih the labourers. The sooner reform is diswho do the work; and they are now posed of, the sooper may we hope to.grapple at their old game arining the accumu- 17 Mr. Drummond deenis tié Cera Laws vie
io alvanige with the tvils otticiing the poor. lators against the working people as a vf the great causes of the distress of the las preparatory step to giving to them ex- bourers, does he suppose that the allowing clusively the right of voting. Their political power to remain with the aristocracy fears that you talk of, are feas for the were the midding cloesses jound a dreating the
wiil tend to faciliiate their repeai? Then pension and sinecure lists and the like; Corn Lax's? When were the middliug classes their fears for Diddi; Cakr's lighthouse, four adverse to Poor Laws in Ireland? We their fears for the Duke of Devonshire's wish we could attribute the defects of this tithes of the tranty parishes in Ireland but we fer there is more in it thau mere
production solely to the beau vi tho wrier; These make them ftar that the work-ivental obliquity. Out of the fulness of the ing people would make an injuciicious heart the montn peaketh ; and we thiuk the choice. Why are not such leurs enter-disease lies lower than the head. tained in the Unite: Siates of America? Doctor; you ask, “ When were the Why ara not fears entertained of the middle classes found advocating the injudiciousness of the Irish carmen and “corn-laws ?” Alwars, Doctor, unless other labourers, whose voice decides you exclude all the firmers and all the the elections in New York ? Why because tradesmen in the country towns and in there are no pensious, sitiecures, grants, the villages from the middle class. So retired allowances, unatiached military that this question, or rather the asser. 'commanders, military academies, dead- tion that it implies, is not true, and weight revenues, of crown lands,Duchies therefore is no answer to Mr. Drumof Cornwall and of Lancaster ; uo ex-mond. You also ask, “When were cise-board, and no guttling corporations," the middle class found adverse to in the United States of America.
poor-laws in Ireland ? » parties. strive most furiously each, to mean the middle class in Ireland, carry its man; but nobody has ever the they are decidedly adverse to such audacity to say, that the people, that law. If
you mean the middle the working people, are incapable of class in England, and if you are to making a "judicious choice ; " nor did judge by their conduct here, what an any one ever propose to send for a ship- uninformed or what a hardened man load of Scotch schoolmasters to “in- you must be, to say that this middle struct the poor ” how to make a judi- class are friendly to poor-laws, when cious choice. In short, they know well you have seen with what eagerness they what sort of men will answer their pur- avail themselves of Sturges Bourne's prose: if they be suffered to have their bills, and with what unrelenting cruelty choice, all will be well; if they be not, they have treated the poor! My opinion let those who refuse then the right, is, that if the Whigs were to be suffered abide by the consequences,
to get together a band of the middle Not one measure of relief to the suffering class to make the laws, the lot of the “ labourers has yet been proposed by the Mi- labourers would be a thousand times
worse than it is now, that were caused Mrs. Deacle to be handcuffed possible.
but not a moment's time have the savage “ Let us," says the Doctor, “have an Tories left them for proposing any mea“ honest parliament, and we shall be sure for the relief of the working peo“able to deal honestly with the labour- ple; and, eren the accomplished descend “ ers :" so say I, Doctor ; but that will ant of “ John with the bright suord” not be an honest parliament which shall has been so worried by these cruel suffer the dead-weight man, the pen- Tories, that he has not had time to sioners, and the rest of the tax-eaters, think about the 113 Privy Councillors, to have votes, and which shall deny the who be, before he became a Minister, right of voting to those who work to complained were in the receipt of siz raise the taxes on which they live; such hundred and fifty thousand pounds a would not be an honest parliament, and year. But if the cruel Tories left them such would not deal honestly with the no time to propose any-thing, they labourers and the working people in surely left them time to adopt that general.
which was proposed by others, and Mr. Drummond complains that no their supporters too. Well, then, Doce one measure of relief to the suffering tor, during the last session Lord Tayxlabourers has yet been proposed by the han proposed a measure of effectual Ministers, while the people have been relief and protection to the labourers. cajoled by the phantom of reform. And He did not merely talk about it; but what is the Doctor's answer to this he brought in the bill, and the bill was Why, that the Tories (cruel men) have printed. It was a bill replete with given the Ministers no intermission; humanity, justice, and wisdom. The that they have warred with them to the fires are blazing all over England, knife; and then he asks, “How, in though you are so studious to keep a God's
's name, could they propose any sight of them from the eyes of your thing beneficial to the labourers ?
Do readers. If Lord TAYNHAU's bill had not swear, Doctor. To swear profanely been passed, not one of these fires would is, to take God's name in vain ; and never ever have been heard of. Lord Taynwas that name taken more decidedly in Ham is one of their friends; he voted vain than you have taken it here ; for, for their Reform Bill; he has supported if you were to take as many oaths to them in every way. It could not be the the fact as there are are words upon Tories that prevented him from peryour paper, you would not make one severing with this wise and just measingle sensible man in the kingdom sure : it must have been the Ministers ; believe, that the Ministers HAVE NOT they threw their wet blanket over it, HAD TIME to propose any measure of they stifled it to death; therefore, howrelief to the labourers. They have had ever Doctor Black may sneer at Mr. the Parliament sitting for pretty near a Drummond, that gentleman's main whole year.
They have found time a complaint against the Ministers is perplenty for passing all the measures ne- fectly just : and I believe him to have cessary to take money out of the pockets as much goodness in one single joint of the people ; time a plenty for emigra- of his little-finger, as the whole of them tion-projects enough to craze one to have in their whole bodies. think of; time a plenty to augment the
WM. COBBETT. standing army in time of peace, and to irritate the labourers by the embodying
TITHES. of corps of yeomanry cavalry; time a plenty for Special Commissions; time in A new edition of Mr. Egle's PAMPHgreat abundance for bringing in a bill to Let upon this subject will be published license farmers, to set man-traps and immediately, with an address to Lord spring-guns ; time a plenty for reject- LYNDHURST prefixed, in which his ing the motion for a committee for in- Lordship’s strange notions relative to quiring into the conduct of those who the matter are discussed.
COBBETT-CORN, lodge our Chairnian of the Committee CHOLERA MORBUS,&“CHARLEY.” of Health" shows, outside and inside,
marks of that cleanliness which our Since the publication of my last Rediscerning and patriotic Lord Mayor has gister, I have received extraordinarily fine found to be an essential in a Chairsamples of the corn from the neighbour- man of this description. Nevertheless, hood of NOTTINGHAM, and also from the though “ Charley's" HOUSE may be Isle of Wight, for which I am very constantly in a state of neatness, justimuch obliged to the senders ; and iny fying the old comparison of the báncorrespondent in the Isle of Wight, who box ; though his person may undergo as invites me to his house, is hereby in- frequent and as efficacious ablutions as formed, that as soon as I can get away those of the nymphs of Diana; though from this truly infernal wen, where it every-thing without tells the beholders is NO CRIME to buy the dead bodies that, with him, all within is the paragon of the people, I shall, in all probability, of purity; still I must insist that he have the pleasure of seeing him, owing, send no more messengers (for whose as I do, a lecturing debt to that part of services I dare say I shall have to pay) Hampshire. I want, too, to prepare to inquire into the state of my rooms, that county for the next election, if we kitchen, cellar, dust-hole, and watershould ever see another, which is, how- courses; and, more, especially, I insist ever, with me, matter of great doubt. that he send me no paper enjoining me I was thinking about going to the North; to be cleanly in my person, to lead but I had forgotten“ Charley” Pearson's a sober life, to keep good hours, and proclamation about the dreadful Cho- to abstain from the use of ardent
Morbus, which is travelling spirits! If I were so notorious a drunksouthward it seems; and therefore 1 ard as to make it unsafe to place a bottle shall most likely bend my steps away within my reach ; if it had been the from it. Say what they will of the habit of my well-known life to roll CHOLERA MORBUS," it has done good, down, with my clothes on, under bulks, and great good too.” It has exhibited or in stinking brothels ; if my person
the world the Whig Privy exhibited to the disgusted beholder Councillors in correspondence with every mark of crapulous and beastly
Charley ;” and all that seems to be debauchery; if my beard, well manured wanting to make us complete, is, for us with soot of the Wen, and duly watered to see Charley a Privy Councillor by almost hourly supplies from the ginhimself! However, Privy Councillor, shop and the pot-house, were constantly or Privy Councillor not, i beg him to crying aloud for that razor which was desist from his correspondence with me, refused to it by the barber, from the fear and, at the peril of the bones of his mes- of his being defrauded of remuneration sengers, not to let ME receive any ex- for his toil; if my habiliments gave hortations from “ Charley” to keep my evident tokens of having come to my house clean, and to lead a SOBER and body in line direct from Rosemary-lane ; an ORDERLY LIFE! I beg that I if, like a sheep, I carried my whole may have
messengers from wardrobe upon my back, and constantly Charley” to deliver his exhortations seemed to have recently been three of this or of any other description : but parts sheared ; if my shirt, hidden by of this description especially: "Charley" all possible means, now-and-then peeped is, doubtless, heir to “ celestial man- out, and seemed to proclaim the sad sions ;” and though neither 1, nor any tidings that soap and water were no citizens that I am acquainted with, longer in the world ; if my hair, for happen to know any-thing of his want of clipping, hanged down like a earthly domicile, the wise and decent dirty half-worn mop over its staff ; if, freemen of Bishopsgate ward, doubtless, in short, my very look were a puke, and must;
and we must believe, of course, my smell were poison ; then, indeed, that the place which has the honour to there might be some reason for this