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to gain him over, but in vain. The king, having one night entertained him, sent the lord-treasurer Danby the next morning to find out his lodgings, which were up two pair of stairs, in one of the obscure courts in the Strand. He was busily engaged in writing, when the treasurer abruptly opened the door. Surprised at so unexpected a visitor, Marvell told his lordship that he supposed he had mistaken the house. “Not now, I have found Mr. Marvell," was the reply. Lord Danby then informed him that he came with a message from the King, wishing to know what his majesty could do to serve him. Marvell replied, in his usual tone of good humor: “His majesty serve me!-- why I know of nothing in his power so to do.” Coming to a serious explanation, our author told the treasurer that he knew full well the nature of courts, having been in many; and that whoever is distinguished by the favor of the prince is expected to vote in his interest. Lord Danby told him that His Majesty, from the just sense he had of his merit, desired to know whether there was any place at court he could be pleased with. Marvell's reply was, “I cannot in honor accept the offer, as I must either be ungrateful to His Majesty in voting against him, or false to my country by deserting it in the hour of need. The only favor I beg of His Majesty is, that he would esteem me as faithful a subject as any he has, and more truly in his interest by refusing his offers, than he could possibly be by my accepting them.” Lord Danby, finding that persuasion was of no effect, proceeded to try an argument which but too seldom fails. He tendered him one thousand pounds, which he hoped he would accept, till he could think of something better to ask His Majesty. Marvell rejected the bribe with a steadiness which left the minister nothing to hope; though, as soon as he was gone, he was obliged to go to a friend and borrow a guinea for the exigencies of the moment. The little descriptive piece here given, of which the subject is the landing of the Pilgrims in Bermuda, has been admired for its beauty and delicacy.
'He gave us this eternal spring
With falling oars they kept the time." 1700. George Berkeley was born in Ireland in 1684, and died in 1753. In 1733, he was promoted to the bishoprick of Cloyne, which he illustrated by his talents, his virtues and his liberality •
" To Berkeley every virtue under heaven," is a line of Pope, which was true to the letter. He had long cher ished a scheme for the conversion of the North American Indians, for which he published “A Proposal ” in 1725. Among many excellent remarks is the following:
:-“It is but just that these poor creatures should receive some advantage with respect to their spiritual interests, from those who have so much improved their temporal, by settling among them;" and he thus concludes—“A benefaction of this kind seems to enlarge the very being of a man, extending it to distant places and to future times; inasmuch as unseen countries and after-ages may feel the effects of his bounty, while he himself reaps the reward in the society of those who, having turned many to righteousness, shine as the stars for ever and ever.'” The poetical piece, which bears upon the subject of our Article, and which is the only thing in verse we have from his pen, is on the prospect of planting arts and learning in America. Having been uttered now nearly a century and a half ago, it may rank in the list of prophecies, while it is one of the most beautiful compositions in the English language. “ON THE PROSPECT OF PLANTING ARTS AND LEARNING IN AMERICA.
The muse, disgusted at an age and clime
Barren of every glorious theme,
Producing subjects worthy fame:
And virgin earth such scenes ensue,
And fancied beauties by the true.
In happy climes, the seat of innocence,
Where nature guides, and virtue rules;
The pedantry of courts and schools.
The rise of empire and of arts;
The wisest heads and noblest hearts.
Not such as Europe breeds in her decay;
Such as she bred when fresh and young,
By future poets shall be sung.
The four first acts already past,
Time's noblest offspring is the last."
WRITTEN FOR THE FIFTIETH ANNIVERSARY OF THE INAUGURATION OF
WASHINGTON, APRIL 30, 1939.
By William Cullen Bryant.
Great were the hearts, and strong the minds
Of those who framed, in high debate,
Our fair broad empire, state with state.
And ever hallowed be the hour,
When, as the auspicious task was done,
Was given to Glory's unspoil'd son.
That noble race is gone; the suns
Of fifty years have risen and set;
So strongly forged, are brighter yet.
Wide-as our own free race increase
Wide shall extend the elastic chain,
State after state, a mighly traio.
THE SECOND WAR OF THE REVOLUTION.
When the poople of the United States resolved to put an end to the corporation which, rising upon the ruins of the old continental currency, amidst the wants and disCresses of the revolution, early displayed its native instinctive hostility to justice, equality, and the liberties of the people; and which, after a few years of interregnum and anarchy-while the people, burthened with the debts they had incurred as the price of their liberty, were torn by rival factions, and distracted by the petty jealousies of thirteen sovereign States—was ingrafted into their new government before they had learnt its strength and resources, distinctly marked its limitations, or tested its capacity for good or evil; and which again, after a few years' suspension of its existence, reviving, like a phenix, from the ashes of national calamity, clothed with renewed strength, and endowed with mightier privileges, was forced upon their necks, under the pretence of expediency and necessity, in the midst of war and naLional calamity. When they resolved to destroy an institution so created in violation of the Constitution, and after long experience and repeated trials of its dangerous tendencies, it was not the mere paper charter—the parchment roll filed away among the records of legislation-which they wished to have annihilated; nor was it the types and machinery by which paper is manufactured into money which were the objects of their hostility; none of these things could call forth those deep feelings of opposition and repugnance which the people have manifested for more than half a century, and which, growing stronger and stronger by every day's experience, have at length become fixed in a solemn resolution to risk every consideration in the unflinching resolution to confine all money corporations to their legitimate sphere of promoting commercial utility alone. *
Minutes of the Assembly, March 21, 1785. Petitions from a considerable number of the inhabitants of Chester county were read, representing that the bank at Philadelphia had fatal effects upon the community: that whilst men are enabled, by means of the bank, to receive near three times the rate of common interest, and at the same time receive their money at very short warning, whenever they have occasion for it, it will be impossible for the husbandman or mechanic to borrow on the former ternis of legal interest and distant payments of the principal; that the best security will not enable the person to borrow; that experience clearly demonstrates the mischievous consequences of this institution to the fair trader; that impostors have been enabled to support themselves in a fictitious credit, by means of a temporary punctuality at the bank, until they have drawn in their honest neighbors to trust them with their property, or to pledge their credit as sureties, and have been finally involved in ruin and distress; that they have repeatedly seen the stopping of discounts at the bank operate on the trading part of the community with a degree of violence scarcely inferior to that of a stagnation of blood in the human body, hurrying the wretched merchant who hath debts Lo pay into the hands of griping usurers; that the directors of the bank may give such preference in trade, by advances of money to their participar parties, as to destroy that equality which ought to prevail in a commercial country; that paper money has often proved benefcial to the State, but the bank forbids it, and the people must acquiesce; therefore, and in order to restore public confidence and private security, they pray that a bill may be brought in and passed into a law, for repealing the law for incorporating the bank.
March 23. The report of the committee, read March 25th, on the petitions from the counties of Chester and Berks, and the city of Philadelphia and its vicinity, praying the act of the Assembly whereby the bank was established at Philadelphia may be repealod, was read the second ime, as follows, viz:
To suppose that a reflecting, self-governing people can be influenced by personal hostilities or partialities in such a contest—to imagine that the sympathies of a mighty nation can be roused and put forth by any visible, outward object, seen and known by one only in ten thousand, is utterly to mistake the true character of mankind, and the secret sources of popular omnipotence. It is only as a sign, a symbol of some invisible power, that any external object can exert a controlling influence over the public mind. Who regards with more than idle curiosity the painted bunting hung out to allure the multitude to some race-field or juggler's show? But convert the idle streamer into the banner of a nation-symbolling and presenting mysteriously, as it were, to the bodily eye, the sanctity of law, the blessings of peace, the consolations of religion, and the endearments of home—and it at once exerts a thrilling power over the heart of every human being who owns a country. When all Paris rolled forth like a flood, and wave after wave beat against the sides of the Bastile until it fell, can any one be so ignorant of the secret springs of human action as to imagine that it was the granite walls, or the few miserable wretches immured within their dungeons, that shot such maniac fury through the heart of a phrenzied multitude, and endowed them with the instinct, the guidance, and the resistless force, of an onnipotent being. It was a consciousness deeper than thought, that there, in those dark, antique turrets,
The committee to whom was referred the petitions concerning the bank established in Philadelphia, and who were instructed to inquire whether the said bank be compatible with the public safety and that equality which ought ever to prevail between the individuals of a republic, beg leave to report:
That it is the opinion of this committee that the said bank, as at present established, is incompatible with the public safety; that, in the present state of our trade, the said bank has a direct tendency to banish a great part of the specie from the country, so as to produce a scarcity of money, and to collect into the hands of the stockholders of the said bank almost che whole of the money which remains among us; that the accumulations of enormous wealth in the hands of a society who claim perpetual duration will, necessarily, produce a degree of influence and power which cannot be entrusted in the hands of any set of men whatsoever, withont endangering the public safety ; that the said bank, in its corporate capacity, is empowered to hold estates to the amount of ten millions of dollars, and, by the tenor of the present charter, is to exist for ever, without being obliged to yield any emolument to the Go vernment, or to be at all dependent upon it; that the great profits of the bank which will daily increase as money grows scarce, and which already far exceed the profits of European banks, bave tempted foreigners to vest their money in this bank, and thus to draw from us large sums for interest.
That foreigners will doubliess be more and more induced ic become stockholders, until the time may arrive when this enormo's engine of power may become subject to foreign influeoce; this country may be agitated with the politics of European courts, and the good people of America be reduced once more into a state of subordination and dependence upon some one or other of the European powers. That, at best, if it were even confined 10 tha hands of Americans, it would be totally destructive of that equality which ought to prevail in a republic. We have nothing in our free and equal Government capable of balancing the influence which this bank must create, and we see nothing which, in the course of a few years, can prevent the directors of ihe bank fram governing Pennsylvania Already we have felt its induence indirecuy interfering in the measures of Legislature. Already the House of Assembly, the representatives of the people, have been threatened that the credit of our paper currency will be blas'ed by the bank; and if this growing evil continnes, we fear the time is not very distant when the bank will be able to dictate ta the Legislature whal laws to pass and what to forbear.
Your committee, therefore, beg leave further to report the following resolution to be adopted by the house, viz:
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to bring in a bill to repeal the act of Assembly passed the first day of April, 1782, entitled "An act to incorporate the subscribers to the Bank of North America," and also to repeal one other act of Assembly passed the 18th of March, 1782, entitled "An act for preventing and punishing the counterfeiting of the common seal, bank bills, and bank notes of the president, directors, and company of the Bank of North America, and for other purposes therein mentioned."