For the Proof and Confirmation of the feveral Parts and Points of this Depofition, Sibley, Davis, Ryland, Potter, and Pinner were depofed, and they viva voce affirmed fo much thereof to be true, as was reported by the Examination of the Lieutenant, concerning the coming of the Lieutenant the Earl's Chamber, the breaking up of the Door, being bolted with a strong Bolt on the inner Side, the finding of the Earl dead upon his Bed, the Dagger lying on the Ground, the Powder and Pellets in a Box on the Bed under the Coverlet, with the reft of the Circumftances thereunto appertaining. They affirmed alfo, that there was but one Door in the Earl's Chamber, faving the Door of the Privy, which, together with the Chamber, was ftrongly walled about with Stone and Brick: And further, as I remember, the Lord Chief Baron confirmed the fame, having viewed the Chamber himself where the Earl lodg'd, and was found dead.

Jaques Pantins, in his Examination of the twenty-firft of June, confeffeth, that James Price delivered the Dagger to the Earl his Master in this Examinate's Prefence: Whereupon he prefently fufpected, that the Earl meant Mischief to himself, and therefore did his Endeavour to perfuade the Earl to fend away the Dagger, and told the Earl that he knew not how the Devil might tempt his Lordship, and that the Devil was great; but could by no Means prevail with the Earl in that Behalf: And faith moreover, that the Earl required him to hide the Dagger, and he thereupon hanged the fame on a Nail within the Chimney in the Earl's Bed-Chamber, where the Earl, thinking the fame not to be fufficiently fafe in that Place, it was by the Earl's Appointment taken from thence, and put into a Slit in the Side of a Mattress that lay under the Earl's Bed, near to the Bed's Head; and that the fame Sunday Morning that the Earl murdered himself at Night, he faw the Dagger lying under the Earl's Bed's Head. The Dagger was bought not many Days before of one Adrian Mulan, a Daggermaker, dwelling in East-Smithfield, as by the faid Mulan was teftified viva voce upon his Oath, in the open Court, at the Time of the publick Declaration made of thefe Matters in the Star-Chamber.

All these Particularities confidered, with the Depofitions and Proofs of the Witness concerning the Earl's Death, first, how he came by the Dagger: Secondly, how long he had kept the fame, and in what fecret Manner: Thirdly, the Earl's bolting of his Chanfber-Door on the Inside: Fourthly, the Blow of the Dagger. Fifthly, the breaking up of the Earl's Chamber-Door by the Lieutenant of the Tower: And Laftly, the finding of the Earl dead as aforefaid. Who is he fo fimple, that will think, or imagine, or fo impudent and malicious, that will avouch and report, that the Earl of Northumberland fhould have been murdered of Purpose, by Practice or Devife of any Perfon, affecting his Deftruction in that Manner? If Men confider the Inconvenience happened thereby, as well in Matter of State, as Commodity to the Queen's Majefty, loft by the Prevention of his Trial; who can in Reafon conjecture the Earl to have been murdered of Policy or fet Purpofe, as the evil-affected seem to conceive? If the Earl

had

had lived to have received the Cenfure of the Law for his Offences, all lewd and frivolous Objections had then been anfwered, and all his Goods, Chattles and Lands, by his Attainder, had come unto her Majefty, and the Honour and State of his House and Pofterity been utterly overthrown: The Confideration and Fear whereof appeareth without all Doubt to have been the principal, and only Caufe that made him lay violent Hands upon himself. If Objections be made, that to murder him in that Sort might be a Satisfaction to his Enemies, who could be pacified by no Means but with his Blood, that feemeth to be as improbable; for that it is commonly difcerned in the corrupt Nature of Man, that when we are poffefs'd with fo profound a Hatred, as to feek the Death of our Enemy, we imagine, and with his Deftruction to be had with the greatest Shame and Infamy that can be devised. Think you not then, that, if the Earl of Northumberland had any fuch Enemy, who knew the Danger wherein he ftood, and that his Trial and Corviction by Law would draw upon him the Lofs of his Life, Lands, and Goods, Fame, Honour, and the utter Subverfion of his House, and would be fo kind hearted unto him, as to help to take away his Life only, and fave him all the reft; I fuppofe there is no Man of Judgment will believe it.

But to return to the Manner of the Earl's Death: It was declared by the Lord Hunfdon, and the Lord Chief Baron, that the Dagger wherewith the Earl murdered himself was charged with three Bullets, and fo of Neceffity with more than an ordinary Charge of Powder, to force that Weight of Bullets to work their Effect. The Earl lying upon his Back on the left Side of his Bed, took the Dagger charged in his Left-hand (by all Likelihood) laid the Mouth of the Dagger upon his left Pap (having first put afide his Waistcoat) and his Shirt being only between the Dagger and his Body, which was burn'd away the Breadth of a large Hand, discharged the fame, wherewith was made a large Wound in his faid Pap, his Heart pierc'd and torn in divers Lobes or Pieces, three of his Ribs broken, the Chine-Bone of his Back cut almoft in funder, and under the Point of the Shoulder-blade, on the right Side within the Skin, the three Bullets were found by the Lord Hunfdon, which he caufed the Surgeon in his Prefence to cut out, lying all three clofe together, within the Breadth and Compass of an Inch, or thereabout: The Bullets were fhewed by his Lordship at the Time of the Publication made in the Court of the Star-Chamber.

And whereas it hath been flanderoufly given out to the Advantage of the Earl, as the Reporters fuppofe, that he was imprifoned, and kept in fo freight, narrow, and clofe a Room, with fuch Penury of Air and Breath, that thereby he grew fickly, and weary of his Life, and that to have been the Caufe chiefly why he murdered himself, (if it were fo that he died by the Violence of his own Hand, which they hardly believe :) To answer that peevish and fenfelefs Slander, there was much spoken by the Lord Chief Baron, who had viewed, and caufed very exactly to be measured the Kkk Chambers

VOL. III.

Chambers and Rooms within the Prifon where the Earl lay, being Part of her Majefty's own Lodging in the Tower: The particular Length and Breadth of the faid Chambers and Rooms, and the Quality of the Lights and Windows, expreffed by the faid Lord Chief Baron, I cannot repeat; but well I do remember, it was declared, that all the Day-time the Earl had the Liberty of five large Chambers, and too long Entries, within the utter Door of his Prifon; three of which Chambers, and one of the Entries, lay upon two fair Gardens within the Tower-Wall, and upon the Tower Wharf, with a pleasant Profpect of the Thames, and to the Country, more than five Miles beyond. The Windows were of a large Proportion, yielding fo much Air and Light as more cannot be defired in any House; Note therefore, how maliciously thofe that favour Traitors and Treafons can deliver out thefe and the like flanderous Speeches, to the Dishonour of her Majesty, noting her Counsellers and Minifters with Inhumanity and uncharitable Severity, contrary to all Truth and Honesty.

When the Lord Chief Baron had finifhed this Difcourfe of the Manner of the Earl's Death, with the Circumftances, and had fatisfied the Court and Auditory concerning the Quality of the Prifon where the Earl remained, Sir Chriftopher Hatton, Knight, her Majefties Vice-Cham. berlain, who, as it feemed, had been fpecially employed by her Majefty, among others of her Privy Council, in the looking into and examining of the Treafons aforefaid, as well in the Perfon of the Earl as of others, and at the Time of the Earl's Commitment from his Houfe in St. Martin's to the Tower of London, fent unto him from her Majefty, to put the Earl in Mind of her Majefty's manifold Graces and Favours, in former Times. conferr'd upon him, proceeding from the Spring of her Majefty's princely and bountiful Nature, and not of his Defervings; and to advise him to deliver the Truth of the Matters fo clearly appearing against him, either by his Letters privately to her Majefty, or by Speech to Master ViceChamberlain, who fignified alfo unto him, that if he would determine to take that Course, he fhould not only not be committed to the Tower, but fhould find Grace and Favour at her Majefty's Hands, in the Mitigation of fuch Punishment as the Law might lay upon him. And here Master Vice-Chamberlain repeated at length the Effect of her Majefty's Meffage at that Time fent to the Earl, beginning firft with the Remembrance of his Practice undertaken for the conveying away of the Scottish Queen about the Time of the laft Rebellion (as hath been declared in the Beginning of this Tract) and that he confefling the Offence being capital, her Majefty nevertheless was pleased to alter the Courfe of his Trial by the Juftice of her Laws, and fuffered the fame to receive a flight and easy Punishment by Way of Mulite, or Fine of five-thoufand Marks, whereof before this his Imprifonment (as it is credibly reported) there was not one Penny paid, or his Land touched with any Extent for the Payment thereof; which Offence was by her Majefty not only moft gracioufly forgiven, but also most christianly

for

forgotten; receiving him not long after to the Place of Honour that his Ancestors had enjoyed, for many Years before him, and gave him fuch Entrance into her princely Favour and good Opinion, that no Man of his Quality received greater Countenance and Comfort at her Majesty's Hands then he; infomuch that in all Exercises of Recreation used by her Majefty, the Earl was always called to be one, and whenfoever her Majesty fhewed herself Abroad in Publick, fhe gave to him the Honour of the best and highest Services about her Perfon, more often than to all the Noblemen of her Court.

But the Remembrance of these most gracious and more then extraordinary Favours and Benefits received, nor the Hope given unto him by Mafter Vice-Chamberlain, of her Majefty's Difpofition of Mercy towards him, nor the Confideration of the Depth and Weight of his Treafons against her Majefty, her Estate, her Crown and Dignity, with the Danger thereby like to fall upon him by the Course of her Highness's Laws, to the utter Ruin and Subverfion of him and his House (standing now at her Majefty's Mercy) could once move his Heart to that natural and dutiful Care of her Majefty's Safety that he ought to have borne towards her, and the moft worthily had merited at his Hands, or any Remorfe or Compaffion of himself and his Pofterity; but refting upon Terms of his Innocency, having, as you may perceive, conveyed away all thofe that he thought could or would any Way accuse him, he made Choice rather to go to the Tower, abide the Hazard of her Majefty's high Indignation, and the Extremity of the Law for his Offences: A notable Augure of his Fall, and that God, by his just Judgment, had, for his Sins and Ingratitude, taken from him his Spirit of Grace, and delivered him over to the Enemy of his Soul, who brought him to that moft dreadful and horrible End, whereunto he is come; from the which, God of his Mercy defend all Chriftian People, and preferve the Queen's Majefty from the Treafons of her Subjects, that The may live in all Happinefs, to fee the Ruin of her Enemies Abroad and at Home; and that fhe, and we, her true and loving Subjects, may be always thankful to God for all his Bleffings bestowed upon us by her, the only Maintainer of his Holy Gospel among us.

A Letter written to the Lower Houfe of Parliament. By Sir John Suckling.

I

To my noble Friends in the Lower House of Parliament.

F my Country had held me worthy to have ferved in this Parliament, I had now been a Member of your Lower Houfe, as formerly I have been in fundry other Parliaments: But how unkindly foever fhe dealeth with me, I will ever fhew my Thankfulness to her, and deliver, by Way of Obfervation, what I have heretofore learned in that grave and wife Affembly, for Admonishment to the elder, and a Path-way for the younger to walk in.

Parliaments, in my Time, have been wont to take up fome Space at the first Meeting to fettle the House, and to determine of unlawful Elections, and in this Point, they never had greater Caufe to be circumfpect than at this Time; for, by an Abuse lately crept in, there is introduced a Custom, which, if it be not foreseen and prevented, will be a great Derogation to the Honour, and weakening to the Power of the Houfe, where the Law giveth a Freedom to Corporations to elect Burgeffes, and forbiddeth any indirect Courfe to be taken in their Election; many of the Corporations are become fo base-minded and timorous, that they will not hazard the Indignation of a Lord Lieutenant's Letter, who under-hand sticks not to threaten them with the Charge of a Mufket, or a Horfe in a Mufter, if that he hath not the Election of the Burgeffes, and not they themselves.

And commonly thofe that the Lords recommend, are fuch as defire it for Protection, or are fo ignorant of the Place they ferve for, as there being Occafion to fpeak of the Corporation for which they are chofen, they have afked their Neighbours fitting by, whether it were a Sea or a Land

Town.

If you feek not to prevent this Kind of Choice, these Mischiefs will fol low.

The Freedom of the Subject will be leffened.

The Privilege of Corporations will be abrogated.

Men outlawed, and Law-breakers, will be the Law-makers. The Voices of the House fhall be at the Difpofe of the Lords of the Upper Houfe, and the Affembly of the Commons will be made needlefs; Gentlemen of far remote Countries may fpare their Labour to come up; for their No's fhall be contradicted with two Yea's, and that by fuch Men, if they be examined, as are not liable to Taxes or Subfidies, Loans, or other Payments; they fhall enjoy their Ends, to wit, Liberty and Freedom, during

the