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notions in those days than now. The manry and poor law guardians, the great state of Europe generally was far more towns were in almost worst case. Here dead and hopeless. There were no wars, too emigration had not yet set in to thin certainly, and no expectations of wars. the labour market; wages were falling, But there was a dull, beaten-down, pent- and prices rising; the corn law struggle up feeling abroad, as if the lid were was better understood and far keener screwed down on the nations, and the than in the country; and Chartism was thing which had been, however cruel gaining force every day, and rising into and heavy and mean, was that which a huge threatening giant, waiting to put was to remain to the end. England was forth his strength, and eager for the ocbetter off than her neighbours, but yet casion which seemed at hand. in bad case.

In the south and west You generation of young Englishmen, particularly, several causes had combined who were too young then to be troubled to spread a very bitter feeling abroad with such matters, and have grown into amongst the agricultural poor. First manhood since, you little knowamongst these stood the new poor law, may you never know !—what it is the provisions of which were rigorously to be living the citizens of a divided carried out in most districts. The poor and distracted nation. For the time had as yet felt the harshness only of that danger is past. In a happy hour, the new system. Then the land was and so far as man can judge, in time, in many places in the hands of men and only just in time, came the repeal on their last legs, the old sporting of the corn laws, and the great cause farmers, who had begun business as of strife and the sense of injustice young men while the great war was passed away out of men's minds. The going on, had made money hand over nation was roused by the Irish famine, hand for a few years out of the war and the fearful distress in other parts prices, and had tried to go on living of the country, to begin looking steadily with greyhounds and yeomanry uniforms and seriously at some of the sores which -horse to ride and weapon to wear- were festering in its body, and underthrough the hard years which had fol- mining health and life. And so the lowed. These were bad masters in every tide had turned, and England had way, unthrifty, profligate, needy, and already passed the critical point, when narrow-minded. The younger men who 1848 came upon Christendom, and the were supplanting them were introducing whole of Europe leapt up into a wild machinery, threshing machines and win- blaze of revolution. nowing machines, to take the little bread Is any one still inclined to make which a poor man was still able to earn light of the danger that threatened out of the mouths of his wife and child- England in that year, to sneer at the ren-so at least the poor thought and 10th of April, and the monster petition, muttered to one another; and the mut- and the monster meetings on Kenningterings broke out every now and then ton and other commons ? Well, if there in the long nights of the winter months be such persons amongst my readers, I in blazing ricks and broken machines. can only say that they can have known Game preserving was on the increase. nothing of what was going on around Australia and America had not yet be- them and below them, at that time, and come familiar words in every English I earnestly hope that their vision has village, and the labour market was become clearer since then, and that they everywhere overstocked ; and last, but are not looking with the same eyes that not least, the corn laws were still in see nothing, at the signs of to-day. For force, and the bitter and exasperating that there are questions still to be strife in which they went out was at its solved by us in England, in this current height. And while Swing and his myr- half-century, quite as likely to tear the midons were abroad in the counties, and nation in pieces as the corn laws, no could scarcely be kept down by yeo- man with half an eye in his head can

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doubt. They may seem little clouds into beliefs and notions, at which Mrs. like a man's hand on the horizon just Grundy and all decent people could now, but they will darken the whole only lift up eyes and hands in pious heaven before long unless we can find and respectable horror, and became, soon wisdom enough amongst us to take the after the incarceration of his friend for little clouds in hand in time, and make night poaching, little better than a phythem descend in soft rain.

sical force Chartist at the age of twentyBut such matters need not be spoken In which unhappy condition we of here. All I want to do is to put my shall now have to take a look or two at younger readers in a position to under- him in future numbers. stand how it was that our hero fell away

To be continued.

one.

TRADE SOCIETIES AND THE SOCIAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION.1

BY J. M. LUDLOW.

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PART FIRST.

of opinion which exists. There are em

ployers who deem trade societies beneI SUPPOSE there is no subject on which ficial ; there are working men who it is so easy to find equally sincere and combat them with all their might. able men holding diametrically opposite

The fact is, I take it, that trade soopinions,-none on which it is so easy cieties will be found, at some one place for the same men sincerely to pass from or time or the other, to have justified one extreme of opinion to the other,– almost every most opposite opinion which as that of trade societies. No doubt has been held respecting them. They opinion runs on such a subject in great

have been schools of assassination; they measure according to class, and varies have been schools of morality. They according to position. The workman is have promoted drunkenness; they have in favour of trade societies, the employer vigorously checked it. They have enis adverse to them ; the strong trades- couraged laziness and bad work; they unionist who merges into the rank of have strenuously battled for solidity and an employer-witness Lovejoy the book- honest workmanship. They have been binder in Mr. Dunning's interesting ac- composed of the dregs of the trade; they count of the Bookbinder's Trade Society have gathered together the pick of it

. (Report, p. 83. often becomes in turn They have been led by selfish and dethe strongest of anti-unionists; and pro- signing spouters; they have had for bably, if the passage from the position leaders the most virtuous men of the of employer to that of journeyman were class. They have thwarted the most not as rare as the inverse transformation benevolent employers ; they have been is frequent, the anti-unionist employer their best of friends, their main support of to-day would, if reduced to weekly against the unprincipled. They have wages, deem many an argument on be- promoted and organized strikes ; they half of trade societies weighty which he have kept the trade free from them now holds worthless. But class interests during the life-time of a generation. are far from accounting for the diversity And who, that knows what the work

ing classes of this country are to the Trade Societies and Strikes. Report of present day—how various in intelligence, the Committee on Trade Societies, appoiuted education, morality, manliness, from by the National Association for the Promotion of Social Science, presented to the Fourth

trade to trade, from district to district, Annual Meeting of the Association, at Glas

from town to town,-ay, from one end

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at these diversities? Looked at in the one on the part of the National Associasimplest point of view, trade societies tion for the Promotion of Social Science, are nothing but the effort of the wages- whose council appointed in 1858 a Comreceiving class to realize, trade by trade, mittee to consider the subject. This a corporate existence. What wonder Committee, whose report appeared last that they should be what the wages- autumn, and of which I had the honour receivers are themselves ? that they to be a member, comprised amongst its should vary in character with the work- members Sir James Shuttleworth, Lord ing men who compose them?

Radstock, Lord Robert Montagu and To form an opinion, therefore, as to Messrs. Buxton and Freeland, M.P.s, the tendencies of trade societies in gene- Mr. John Ball, the Rev. F. D. Maurice, ral, it is absolutely necessary to discard Mr. E. Akroyd, Mr. W. E. Forster, Mr. those accidentals which belong, not to H. Fawcett, Mr. T. Hughes, Dr. Farr, the instrument, but to the material out and other well-known names, ranging, it of which it has to be wrought ; just as may be said, through all the compass of it is absolutely necessary, judging of the political and social, and, in great measure, value of any particular trade society, to of religious opinion. The papers anbear those accidentals in mind. Now nexed to the report comprise ten accounts the mischief is, that the very reverse of strikes or lock-outs, two accounts of process is generally followed. Trade trade combinations in particular towns, societies in general are condemned, he- one account of a particular trade society, cause some Edinburgh Reviewer" has abstracts of Parliamentary papers rebrought together half a dozen raw-head- lating to trade combinations, and other and-bloody-bones stories against a few documents. And, believing as I do that particular sets of trades-unionists ; an there is some definite conclusion to be unjust and injudicious strike by a trade come to on the subject of trade societies, society is supported by workmen of other I venture to hope that the volume in trades, because they know their own so- question may help a few to such a conciety to be moderate and beneficial. For clusion. Scarcely, however, by the remyself, I confess, so thick are the clouds port which heads the volume-never, of prejudice, arising from their own nar- indeed, in its ultimate shape, even subrow experience, which I find generally to mitted to the Committee, although pracdim the sight of so-called practical men tically it no doubt expresses

“on the especially, that I mostly remain quite whole the views of a majority” of that satisfied when a man comes simply to Committee, but which, like any other the negative conclusion, that "there is a report purporting to represent the great deal to be said on both sides," opinions of a mixed body, can never in especially if coupled with a firm deter- fact be much more than a string of sucmination never again to take on trust cessive minimums of disagreement;-raany rhetoric of Times' or other “able ther by the mass of materials which the editors” on the subject of any strike or Committee has brought together, in somesociety, but carefully to examine the what handier shape, and in something facts for himself.

more of order, than a Blue-book would It is not, indeed, for want of inquiry probably have afforded. No doubt that that such ignorance continues to prevail. mass of materials exhibits all the disParliamentary committees on trade com- cordance of which I have spoken, binations have sat and reported in 1824, proving thereby, indeed, its value as a in 1825, in 1838 ; not to speak of the mirror of the facts ;-no doubt prejudice evidence bearing on the subject which and bad faith will be able to use it as an has incidentally been received by other arsenal for the support of the most oppocommittees, such as that of last year on site views. But, for the thoughtful and Mr. Mackinnon's bill for councils of candid, the very juxta-position of su arbitration. Parliamentary inquiries many jarring elements will induce the again have been followed by a voluntary effort to reduce them to unity,-like a

Babel clangour of strange tongues, sug- once calls into being and renders necesgesting the need of some deeper union sary, and of which the inevitable result than that of words.

is to change the conditions of mastership, Looking, therefore, from a higher point and to transfer the privilege of employing of view, the first question that offers it- others in a given labour from the skilled self is this :-Is it requisite, is it advan- man to the moneyed one. From the tageous that the operative classes should moment that, to establish a given busithus seek to realize for themselves a dis- ness, more capital is required than a tinct corporate or quasi-corporate class journeyman can easily accumulate within existence? From the point of view of a few years, guild-mastership—the masthe old guild system, the answer must tership of the masterpiece— becomes decidedly be a negative one.

The prin

little more than a name. The attempt ciple of that system is, that the distinc- to keep up the strictness of its conditions tion between master and journeyman becomes only an additional weight on should be simply one of degree. We the poorer members of the trade; skill have so long outgrown that system, that alone is valueless, and is soon compelled we use the one remnant of it which still to hire itself out to capital. The revolulives in our language-the word “mas- tion is now complete; the capitalist is terpiece "--without, for the most part, a the true master, whether he calls himself thought of its real meaning, and of the such or not; the labourer, skilled or unvastly different sphere of commercial skilled, be he called master or journey- · ideas and practices from those of the man, is but the servant of the former. present day to which it bears witness ; Now begins the opposition of interest

; so that, indeed, for most of us, it is only between employers and employed; now by way of Germany, where that system, the latter begin to group themselves though effete, still lingers, that we realize together; now rises the trade society. the meaning of the term.

But at a

From Mr. F. D. Longe's sketch of time when the difference between master the “ History of Legislation in England and workman was not that the one had relating to Combinations of Workcapital and the other only labour, but men,” reprinted in the volume I have that the one had a skill and experience referred to, it will be seen that the which the other had not yet attained to beginning of this great social revolution and of which the last tangible demon- may be traced back somewhat over five stration was required to be some work centuries, and that as early as the reign of peculiar excellence in the common of Edward III. our building operatives calling, there were properly speaking no were at work combining to raise wages. classes of masters and workmen; and a Mr. Longe quotes the 34th Edward III. society embodying the class interests of c. 9, to show us the legislature forbidding either would have been simply out of “all alliances and covines of masons and place. The class was the trade-tailors, carpenters, and congregations, chapters, coopers, weavers, or the like; in the “ordinances, and oaths betwixt them.” guild which embodied it, the master- The statute is remarkable as showing tailors, master coopers, master-weavers, the co-existence of the two masterships, had the natural pre-eminence of skill that of skill and of capital ; thus, the and seniority ; if they were privileged chief masters of carpenters and mato employ others, it was simply by virtue are to receive fourpence a day, and of that pre-eminence, and of the acknow- the others threepence or twopence accordledged right which it gave them to directing as they be worth ; but every mason and instruct the less able and less ex- and carpenter, "of whatever condition he perienced

be,” is to be compelled by “his master But such a state of things can never whom he serves” to do every work that perlast long in its efficiency. It is for tains to him,—where, as it seems to me, sure dissolvent the accumulation of the guild-masters are designated by the

66

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at these diversities? Looked at in the one on the part of the National Associasimplest point of view, trade societies tion for the Promotion of Social Science, are nothing but the effort of the wages- whose council appointed in 1858 a Comreceiving class to realize, trade by trade, mittee to consider the subject. This a corporate existence. What wonder Committee, whose report appeared last that they should be what the wages- autumn, and of which I had the honour receivers are themselves ? that they to be a member, comprised amongst its should vary in character with the work- members Sir James Shuttleworth, Lord ing men who compose them?

Radstock, Lord Robert Montagu and To form an opinion, therefore, as to Messrs. Buxton and Freeland, M.P.s, the tendencies of trade societies in gene- Mr. John Ball, the Rev. F. D. Maurice, ral, it is absolutely necessary to discard Mr. E. Akroyd, Mr. W. E. Forster, Mr. those accidentals which belong, not to H. Fawcett, Mr. T. Hughes, Dr. Farr, the instrument, but to the material out and other well-known names, ranging, it of which it has to be wrought ; just as may be said, through all the compass of it is absolutely necessary, judging of the political and social, and, in great measure, value of any particular trade society, to of religious opinion. The papers anbear those accidentals in mind. Now nexed to the report comprise ten accounts the mischief is, that the very reverse of strikes or lock-outs, two accounts of process is generally followed. Trade trade combinations in particular towns, societies in general are condemned, be- one account of a particular trade society, cause some “ Edinburgh Reviewer” has abstracts of Parliamentary papers rebrought together half a dozen raw-head- lating to trade combinations, and other and-bloody-bones stories against a few documents. And, believing as I do that particular sets of trades-unionists; an there is some definite conclusion to be unjust and injudicious strike by a trade come to on the subject of trade societies, society is supported by workmen of other I venture to hope that the volume in trades, because they know their own so- question may help a few to such a conciety to be moderate and beneficial. For clusion. Scarcely, however, by the remyself, I confess, so thick are the clouds port which heads the volume-never, of prejudice, arising from their own nar- indeed, in its ultimate shape, even subrow experience, which I find generally to mitted to the Committee, although pracdim the sight of so-called practical men tically it no doubt expresses especially, that I mostly remain quite whole the views of a majority” of that satisfied when a man comes simply to Committee, but which, like any other the negative conclusion, that “there is a report purporting to represent the great deal to be said on both sides," opinions of a mixed body, can never in especially if coupled with a firm deter- fact be much more than a string of sucmination never again to take on trust cessive minimums of disagreement;-raany rhetoric of Times' or other “able ther by the mass of materials which the editors” on the subject of any strike or Committee has brought together, in somesociety, but carefully to examine the what handier shape, and in something facts for himself.

more of order, than a Blue-book would It is not, indeed, for want of inquiry probably have afforded. No doubt that that such ignorance continues to prevail. mass of materials exhibits all the disParliamentary committees on trade com- cordance of which I have spoken, -binations have sat and reported in 1824, proving thereby, indeed, its value as a in 1825, in 1838 ; not to speak the mirror of the facts ;-no doubt prejudice evidence bearing on the subject which and bad faith will be able to use it as an has incidentally been received by other arsenal for the support of the most oppocommittees, such as that of last year on site views. But, for the thoughtful and Mr. Mackinzon's bill for councils of candid, the very juxta-position of su arbitration. Parliamentary inquiries many jarring elements will induce the again have been followed by a voluntary effort to reduce them to unity,—like a

on the

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