ultimately and surely, to destroy the industry" distress, and the felonious alterations and the peace and happiness of the country.

"6th. That until the establishment of a circulating medium of a character better suited tn the various and complicated demands of society, and to the increased transactions and population of the country, and more competent to effect an interchange and preserve a remunerating level of prices in the products of industry, generally; we can see no prospect of any permanent restoration of the prosperity of our trades, or of the country being able to escape the most frightful sufferings and convulsions.

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"of the currency during the last fifty years. In the Staffordshire Iron dis"trict it is computed that there are “about 128 furnaces. Of these, perhaps, a dozen are in ruins or unserviceable; 59 were out of blast (“blown out," in technical phraseology) in " February, 1830; 41 in July, 1830; "and 49 of the 128 are now out, leaving "about 79 now in blast. The average

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"7. We, therefore, most respectfully, but" make of a Staffordshire furnace is very earnestly, request the early attention of "about fifty tons per week. So much his Majesty's Government to these great facts" for the jargon of over production. A and considerations, and we trust they will re"few facts from the trade-from those commend to Parliament the speedy establishment of some just, adequate, and efficient cur- practically conversant with and interency, which may properly support the trade" rested in our staple manufactures, are and cominerce of the country, and preserve" worth a sack of theories and treatises." such a remunerating level of prices as may ensure to the employers of labour the fair and. reasonable profits of their capital and industry, as well as the means of paying the just and necessary wages to their workmen.'

"

--

So much of the great creative concerns. And now, how stands it with dealers in, and the makers of, manufactured goods? Here we have it, boroughmongers!

This document was published in the Here we have the real Morning Chronicle of this day 17th of October), with the signatures at the cause of the cry, at Birmingham, for bottom of it, and with these remarks Parliamentary Reform. If this cause of appended:- "We are thus particular the cry had been wanting, never should "in citing the whole of this extraordiwe have heard of the "POLITICAL 66 nary statement, with the highly-respectable names attached to it, and UNION" and of its "COUNCIL." And, "which unquestionably vouch for the boroughmongers, mind, this cause must accuracy of its facts, because we know be removed, before the cry will cease. "that it is often extremely convenient Reform is not called for on abstract to say that memorials are got up' "and preferred from party or private principles, or to gratify any whim : it is "views. But here is a solemn docu- called for as something that will put an "ment, signed by nearly three-fourths end to the ruin that is going on; and "of the Staffordshire iron trade which ruin is so clearly set forth in the "(and we are informed subsequently following TABLE, just compiled and "by nearly all the Shropshire iron published at Birmingham. Look at it, "-masters), with representations of boroughmongers, and then have the 66 prices and make, which cannot brass to continue to say, that this sort "be fictitious. The above signa- of Parliament has worked well; have the tures alone comprehend the firms of brass to say, that this Parliament has upwards of sixty blast furnaces, mak-not been the real cause of all this ruin. ing from 3,000 to 3,500 tons of pig Such a picture of ruin no eyes ever " iron per week; and giving employ- before beheld; no war, none of the "ment and support to many thousand causes of ruin in trade was ever equal in large families-all, be it observed, im-effect to the acts of this Parliament. If "bued with the strongest opinions on the acts had been passed for the express reform, and bitter hatred of the bo- and avowed object of producing ruin, "roughmongers-attributing to the they could not have been more effectual. "machinations of the oligarchy the Look at the picture; and then hear me 'great causes of alternate seasons of again.

and

There, boroughmongers! That's the over-production;" let it not, in cause of Reform! Teach the 199, in- the Ministerial slang, be ascribed to.. cluding the 21 Bishops, how to get causes "over which the Government had over that! Some people talk of RYDER no coutrol." Look at the prices of as the new Minister. Tackle it, RYDER! 1818; look at the progressive ruin; Will you put out paper-money, and raise see how exactly it keeps pace with the prices? Do, Ryder! I wish you would; Acts of Parliament, affecting the curfor then I could pay your tax-gatherer rency; and you will trace the ruin to in paper, and carry on my business in those Acts as clearly as you trace the gold. Will you not do that? Then hanging of poor Cook of Micheldever the ruin must become greater every to the Act of Ellenborough, improved day, unless you take off the taxes; and by Lansdown. Cook was certainly if you do that, you cannot pay the interest of the debt, unless you take the church and other public property. Lord LYNDHURST (for I don't mind Boscawen, Herbert, and old Serjeant Best) found fault with my thirteen Manchester propositions; but will his Lordship.show us any other way out of this difficulty? And if he cannot, it did not, I think, become him to cite these propositions as an argument against the Reform Bill. Let it not be said that the Parliament could not help this ruin; let it not, in the language of Sir HENRY PARNELL and TOOKE, be ascribed to " over-trading

hanged according to law; but not more certainly than thousands of industrious and virtuous families have been reduced from competency to beggary by that series of laws, of which PEEL'S BILL· was the first.

But it may be said, that, at any rate, the Parliament did not intend to cause such ruin. And is that a defence? It might do, indeed, as a plea for pardon ·· for the past: but what can it avail as a ground for future trust? At the very best, it has been, for many years, doing what it did not intend to do; or, in other words, it has not known what it

:

was doing; it has been doing mischief into the House of Commons most veheenormous, it has been inflicting ruin and meatly bent upon an extended reform, misery on a whole people, when it declaring, at the same time, that you thought it was doing right. This is its would wait but a very little time before very best plea; and yet one of the argu- you brought the motion forward, whements against the proposed change is, ther the new ministry were organized or that it will let into Parliament men of not, and that those were very much deindustry, vigilance, and talent! How- ceived who thought that the reform How-ceived ever, there it is, Ryder; make the best you meditated was of a limited descripof it get out of the difficulty as you tion. Two days afterwards, you were can; or, let us have our reform, and I Lord Chancellor and a peer! which warrant you that we get ourselves out of puts one in mind of Lafontaine's story it and you along with us. of the eloquent Goth who came to Rome to complain of the tyranny exercised in the Provinces, when, as a remedy, a senator wiser than the rest, exclaimed, "Fait-le Prætor!" However, you became a member of a reforming ministry, and, since that time, you have been bound up with the bill, and was, of course, one of its defeuders in the House of Lords. This brings me to the topic which I had in view when I commenced this letter.

WM. COBBETT.

ΤΟ

LORD BROUGHAM.

MY LORD,

Kensington, October 18th, 1831.

Ir is now about, I think, five-andtwenty years since you and I had the first skirmish, you being then a very In my Register of last week, I cut desperate Edinburgh Reviewer, just out from the report of your speech in arrived at London in a Berwick smack, the Morning Chronicle, two passages, freighted, to the very choking of the in one of which I thought I could alhold, with adventurers come to get ready discover that you had no very pickings out of the "loons o' the sooth." great dislike to be thought to be ready You have carried on your botheration to separate from Lord GREY; and that, pretty well. I have seen you, first, in the other passage, I thought I could declare yourself, in writing, for an- discover a readiness, on your part, to nual paraments and universal suf- surrender the part of the bill relating to frage; when those were put into ten-pound voters. You have made two dungeons or driven into exile, you speeches upon these subjects; one last called them little nostrums and big Saturday, and the other on Monday, blunders. Since that, you have avoid-both of which I will insert here, as I ed definitions; but, as occasion served, find them reported in the Morning have talked about parliamentary reform. Chronicle, which I believe to have by When, however, the flashy adventurer, far the most accurate reports." The CANNING, became Prime Minister, and Saturday's speech was as follows:declared explicitly that he would oppose" Another gross misrepresentation he parliamentary reform, in any and in" said he had been subjected to every shape, to the end of his life, I" in regard to the Reform Bill. He heard you, as explicitly declare that the "saw it again stated, that there was a people had ceased to desire a parlia-" decided difference between him and mentary reform; and, the same night, I" his noble Friend at the head of the saw Lord JoHN RUSSELL withdraw his “ Administration, in regard to a matenotice of motion for reform upon the "rial part of the Reform Bill, and this very ground stated by you. I heard" was founded on a garbled statement of you, the winter before the last, condemn "what he had really said when speaking the motion of Mr. O'CONNELL for re- "on that bill. He had on that occasion form. Last fall, I saw you, while the " distinctly stated, that there was not remue-menage was going on, come" the slightest difference between himself

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"and his noble Friend on the subject— found mention of an act so coolly bloody"that there was not, nor ever had been minded as this. Sir THOMAS DENMAN'S any difference between them. This dirty bill of indictment was a fool to it, "declaration, however, had been omit- though that began with a but," and "ted in the statement attributed to him; consisted of the middle of a paragraph, "and he observed, that his statement, leaving out the head and the tail. so garbled, had been quoted and com- This, my Lord Brougham, is garbling. "mented on. He again declared that took two passages from your speech, "there was not a shadow of difference each of them containing every word con"between him and his noble Friend on nected with the two topics, and omitted "that great and important measure." no part of the speech containing anyNow, what is garbling? It is taking thing bearing upon those topics. Thus, a part or parts of a writing, or speech, then, there was no garbling. There are and leaving out other parts, so as to give the words still; and you will explain a to the thing quoted, a meaning different pretty while, and protest a pretty while from the meaning of the whole if all longer, before you will persuade my reathe parts had been taken. Thus, for ders to put a different construction upon instance, BLACKSTONE has garbled the the words than that which I have put word of God itself, and that, too, for the upon them. But I do not see that you base purpose of justifying cruelty in the advert to the second topic; that is to execution of the law of England relating say, to your readiness to reconsider the to the poor. PROVERBS, chapter vi., matter with regard to the ten-pound verses 30 and 31, contains these words: voters, and yet this was a matter "-30. Men do not despise a thief, if he | worthy of attention. The editor of "steal to satisfy his soul when he is hun- the Morning Chronicle, whom you gry-31. But, if he be found, he shall personally know, and whom I do not "restore seven-fold; he shall give all personally know, who has often been "the substance of his house." BLACK- your apologist against me, has been STONE takes these two verses and garbles too honest, however, to suppress the folthem thus: "If a thief steal to satisfy lowing remark upon this very unsatis "his soul when he is hungry, he shall factory explanation of your Lordship: restore seven-fold, and shall give all " This explanation will at once satisfy "the substance of his house." No" the people that the inferences which broomstick that ever was handled would" have been drawn from Lord have been too heavy or too rough for " Brougham's speech, of a difference of the shoulders of this greedy and dirty- opinion between him and Lord Grey, squled lawyer. You see, he leaves out on material provisions of the Reform the words "men do not despise;" then " Bill, are without foundation. The he leaves out the words at the beginning" object of Lord Brougham, we have no of the next verse," but if he be found;" "doubt, was to furnish those Lords who then in the place of the " he," which might be averse to the uniform rent comes before the words "shall give,"" qualification with a motive for going he puts the word "and ;" and thus he" into the Committee. We cannot help makes the whole apply to the poor" thinking, however, that it is dangerous, creature who takes food to satisfy his" even when arguing by way of supposi soul when he is hungry! He leaves out" tion, to meet a particular class of every mitigating word of the Scripture," opponents, to appear to make light of and in his reference he represents the "what the people deem a very serious passage to be in one verse! It has often "matter." been said of BLACKSTONE, that he not only lied himself, but made others lie; and he has here, as far as he was able, made a liar of King SOLOMON himself. Perhaps, even in the history of the conduct of Crown lawyers, there is not to be"

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You repeat this denial again in the debate of Monday night, and add something (which I shall here quote) in the way of apology for the long prorogation that is intended :-"The LORD CHAN CELLOR felt he must say a very few

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"words with respect to an alleged dif- |“ adjournment, was intended principally "ference of opinion between him and" for the purpose of more easily carry"the noble Earl at the head of the Go-" ing the wishes of the people into effect, "vernment, as the statements on that" and achieving the success of the great subject had been repeated. He begged measure intrusted to them. What "to say, that he most cordially con- "that measure was, would soon be seen; "curred in every word that had fallen" and he hoped that even those who "from the noble Earl, and that there] might express regret now at the time "neither was, nor ever had been, any "of delay being a little too long, when "difference of opinion between them, they saw the effect of it, would have 66 although his assertion had been again "the candour and fairness to admit in "denied by certain persons who could" all probability that it was quite short "know nothing about the matter. enough, and feel gratified at the "There never had been any difference course which had been adopted.

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"of opinion between them; even on the" (Hear, hear.)"

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in the Chronicle; and as pretty stuff it is as I ever heard come from your lips. Oh! you are in a state of exhaustion, are you? I wish poor Cook, of Mitcheldever, were alive, and you had to walk after him at plough, and do no work at all, and live upon the fare that he used to live upon, for one week. You would then know what it is to be exhausted. Exhaustion, indeed! Why, I do more every week, for the whole fifty-two weeks in the year, than you have ever done for one single week since I have known any-thing of you. Poh! not go on without repose!

"most minute details or general prin- I have not garbled here, at any rate, ciples there could be none; but he for here is the whole speech as reported might add, and he said it in the hear"ing of his noble Friend and his colleagues, that if there were any two of "the Members of the Government who "differed least on the matter of detail, "it was his noble Friend and himself. "With respect to the question of the recess, he had no fears, whatever might be the impatience of one or two "well-meaning but over anxious indivi"duals, that the people would do full "justice to the motives of the Govern"ment in the time which they might 66 propose. But, good God! when "they talked of a prorogation for a If men are too old "week, did they know the state of ex- or too feeble to go on in a crisis like "haustion to which incessant labour this, they should not take high offices "had reduced some Members of the and high salaries. However, this is all "Government? The two noble Lords a pretence. What your new measure is (Althorp and Russell) could not, he to be, will, you tell us, was satisfied, go on without some re- Why not tell it us now? Why keep us pose; and as for himself, although he in the dark about the matter. Why "did not complain, it was exactly do not you tell us that Schedules A "twelve months last Friday since he and B, and the ten-pound voters, are "had been at work, with the exception to remain? The reason is that you do "of three days at Christmas, and two not intend that they shall remain. You "days at Easter (chiefly spent, by-the-know that an assurance that these shall "by, in travelling), from six or seven remain would satisfy us at once; and, "in the morning till twelve or one at 66 night. If any man was so unreason"able as to say they should go on, he was confident at least that the great "body of the reasoning classes of his countrymen would think differently; " and that if they threw themselves on "them, they could have no fear of obtaining a verdict. Whatever advice "they might give with respect to the

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soon be seen.”

as you do not satisfy us, which you may do by only uttering a few words, we are not such fools as not to be assured that they are not to remain; and that you mean to give us a specimen of garbling, with a vengeance.

In the mean time, most lustily are you calling for confidence in the Ministers; for confidence in those who said that they would stand or fall with the bill;