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mended, and succeeded himself in quell-lies that had given satisfaction to his maing riots without calling in military force. jesty? Was the conduct of the elector Miserable indeed would be the state of of Hanover satisfactory to the king of that country in which the execution of the Great Britain, or was it in the situation of laws depended on the military! He ad- Corsica that he considered an improvevised ministers not to think too lightly of ment of our situation? It had been conthe opinion of the people. The Ameri- fidently asserted that our gaols for prican war ought to be a sufficient warning soners of war had been opened in order to on that head. What must the people recruit men for the late expedition to think of the enormous increase of sinecure France: he would ask them where they places, pensions, and lucrative appoint- had recruited M. de Puisaye, the comWhat must they think, when manding officer of that operation? They they see both men and money expended said they were not responsible for the hormanner unprecedented? Spain, rid catastrophe of that expedition; on Prussia, and Hanover having concluded what principles they founded that asserpeace, where was the interest that Eng- tion he knew not, for surely to select a land had in continuing the war? He was man as a commander, who had never in any therefore decidedly for the amendment. military service reached a higher rank than that of a captain, snd to place him over a

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The Earl of Lauderdale said, that they had been witnesses that night to most ex-number of the most distinguished veterans, traordinary vindications on the part of the and to do this in opposition to all the reministry. The noble secretary of state monstrances that were made by men of had forgotten all the pledges which he had the first character, was an act for which last year given-all the promises he had ministers ought to be responsible. He made, and all the prospects he had held had no confidence in the equivocal sort out. He forgot what mighty things the of promise which the present speech gave Emperor was to accomplish for us, in re- to the country. With the eternal theme turn for our loan-he forgot what Spain of assignats he would not embarrass himwas to do what Sardinia-what the Ger- self. The inferences drawn from their deman powers. He forgot all this, but he preciation were, he believed, founded in remembered exactly how many evils had false reasoning. If assignats were extinct, been predicted, and because they had not the French would not be beaten. The been all fulfilled, our situation was im- wealth of a nation consisted in three matproved; and this was the ground for the ters-their stock, their labour, and their extraordinary satisfaction which his ma- soil. Say, that the first of these was exjesty had expressed. It was in vain that tinguished, the two others would remain, he endeavoured to discover the sources of and they had all seen what a people could this satisfaction. It could not be in our accomplish with these two left, when the triumphs, for we had met only with disas- first was gone. America had given a meter and defeat; nor could it be in the in- morable instance of it, and France had ternal condition of this country, since the shown, in the last campaign, that the delamentable scarcity of provisions was most preciation of her paper took nothing from properly recommended by his majesty to her vigour, nor from her exertions. With the serious consideration of the House. regard to what the ministers now called a Our naval superiority was made a subject favourable crisis in France, it was a crisis of boast; and the noble secretary had as productive of blood as any of the pesaid, that never in our history had this su- riods of the revolution that went before periority been so decided. Did he forget it; and this led him to distrust their dethe history of the year when his present clarations. If all our hopes of peace demajesty came to the throne, when in his pended on the success of the new constiSpeech he said, that the small remnant of tution, he saw no prospect of a speedy the French navy had been blocked up in termination to our calamities. The scar their ports during the whole of the sum- city of corn every man must deeply lamer? It could not be said that this was ment, because every man must feel for the case now; very recent experience had the pinching distresses of the poor, but shown the contrary, and the little protec- he greatly feared the evil could not be retion given to our trade did not prove medied by legislative means, and it was that our superiority had been directed mischievous and dangerous to hold out with so much skill and vigour as to make any remedy for an evil without the cerit useful. Was it the conduct of our al- tainty of its effect. It was only, in his

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becility of administration had been manifested in every department; it was therefore incumbent on their lordships to inquire into the mismanagement of our affairs. Even the conduct of the navy, with our boasted superiority, was not exempt from this uniform incapacity, a fact established past contradiction, by the mortifying event of our trade having suffered in two of our most opulent convoys. But ministers were actuated by such heterogeneous passions, that it was impossible to expect from them attention to the conduct of our national affairs. Some of them came into power, avowedly to watch the friends of Brissot in that House, and of course they had not time for other duties, He believed if an appeal were made to their own hearts, they could not one of them conscientiously declare that he had discharged his duty to his country.

mind, by a peace, that a speedy and sure tion to the coast of France; but he asremedy would be found for it. The im-sured them, that if the ships employed in that expedition had not been sent there, they would have been sent elsewhere, for they could not have been engaged upon the Mediterrannean station. The noble earl had laid great stress on the selection of M. de Puisaye for that expedition. He requested the noble earl to recollect that M. de Puisaye had been at the head of a considerable party in France, whose object was the restoration of monarchy. Being the chief of that party, all communication with it from this country was through him. Without him there was a much less prospect of a junction with his party. It was true, that many persons had perished in that expedition; but it was a melancholy event which could not be avoided in war, and was attributable to another unfortunate cause.-He agreed with the noble earl, that it was both dangerous and mischievous to hold out any remedy for an evil without the certainty of its effect. He left noble lords to judge of the prudence of a positive assertion, that to accede to the amendment, was the only way to reduce the price of corn. Such a declaration certainly had a mischievous tendency.

Earl Spencer said, he did not deny that many unfavourable circumstances had happened in the course of the last campaign; yet he thought, upon the whole, our situation was not so bad as might have been expected. He had always been an advocate for a vigorous prosecution of the war; and if there was now a nearer prospect of attaining the chief ob. ject of it, a permanent and honourable peace, he should be blameable at such an important crisis to relax. Whatever is the prospect, it is the duty of ministers to maintain the character and dignity of the country, which would be sacrificed by the conditions suggested by the noble duke. What did the noble duke propose? That no other indemnity should be stipulated for than the tranquillity of the nation, or in other words, peace. Ministers, on the contrary, had always required an indemnity for the expenses of the war, and the people would consequently expect it from them. How, then, could they continue to insist upon indemnification, when, if the amendment be adopted, they must accept peace singly and separately from all other considerations, for the House would have declared they wished for no other?-With regard to the loss of two of our convoys, if, in the course of a war like the present, it should happen that traders are intercepted, no man could wonder at it; indeed it would be wonderful, if they were not. Some noble lords had said, that the loss of these traders, were owing to the expedi

The Lord Chancellor rose to say a few words on the subject of the high price of corn. He could not but be sorry that the noble marquis whose great weight in the country gave considerable authority to every thing he said, had mentioned the raising the wages of labouring men to the average price of a bushel of wheat per week, as a means of relief which met with his sanction. He next noticed what had fallen from the duke of Grafton respecting the hard situation of a country curate who could not afford himself a gill of wine, or a pint of ale a day, without being at the expense of 31. per annum. The new duty on wine had certainly been created by the war, and it was one of the burthens which curates, if they chose to drink wine, must bear as well as the rest of his majesty's subjects; but it was to be recollected that wine was a luxury. With regard to the pint of ale, the argument was not applicable to the war, as no new tax had been imposed on malt or beer since the war commenced. With regard to the noble duke's expression, that the laws of the country were obliged to be executed by the military, there was no wish in government to call in the aid of the military, where the civil power had

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authority enough to preserve the peace, and put an end to outrage and disorder. The noble duke had certainly been mistaken in supposing that chief justice Holt had been the magistrate who quitted the bench to suppress the riot, when the meeting-houses were pulled down. the first place, it was impossible, because Mr. Justice Holt had been in his grave some years. 2dly, because the riot occasioned by the mobs proceeding to pull down the meeting-houses was not quelled without the interference of the military; and lastly, because several of the rioters were tried and convicted for their conduct on that occasion.-He was very far from meaning to impute a similarity of sentiment between the noble marquis, the noble duke, and certain persons without doors, but he had read an account of the proceedings of a meeting held in a field near Copenhagen house, where many inflammatory harangues were addressed to the passions of the lower order of the people, and seditious papers and hand-bills circulated, which had obviously produced that degree of impression on ignorant and uninformed minds, to which the scandalous outrages in Westminster, yesterday, were to be attributed. In that account, it was not a little singular, that the three matters stated by the noble duke, and the noble marquis, in the course of the debate, had been discussed and much insisted upon. He was sure the noble duke and noble marquis did not mean to lend the weight of their rank and character to sanction the arguments of such a meeting; it was, therefore, much to be lamented, that it should have happened, that the doctrines of the political demagogues to whom he alluded, should have received, even accidentally, the countenance of so august and dignified an assembly as the House. The bad consequences of such meetings as that held lately in the fields near Islington, were so obvious, that it would be unnecessary for him to dwell upon them; it was enough to mention the absurdity of men haranguing about the decay of the national wealth in a situation in which they could not turn their heads round without seeing a rising village on every side of them, and dealing out phillippics on the subject of the general distress of the kingdom,under the very smoke of the brick kilns that were burning in order to furnish materials for the erection of new villages. His lordship said, he had the satisfac

tion to know that he was speaking at that moment in a British House of Lords, an assembly which it had, by a certain des. cription of persons, been long since asserted, would not at that time be in existence. If the principles that the French had made it their boast to propagate throughout Europe, had not been early and effectually resisted, the privileges of every one of their lordships might ere this have been at an end, and Great Britain might have been made a scene of the same desolation and ruin that France had for some time presented. The fatal effects of building up government upon wild and idle theories had, by the example of the French been sufficiently shown; and he hoped it would serve as a useful lesson to posterity. In France we had seen what was termed the system of terror prevail in all its horrors. Faction had succeeded faction, and men, the most violent enemies to each other, by the convulsion of parties had on the sudden found themselves destined to death together, and met upon the same scaffold to expiate their perhaps equal, but differently directed crimes. Thus tyranny succeeded tyranny, and one despot and his partizans hastily followed another to their fate. These were the blessed effects of systems of government founded on what was called equality and the rights of man. The noble duke's amendment seemed to him to be highly objectionable, on account of the embarrassment it would create in the way of negociation for peace.

The Duke of Norfolk supported the amendment, because it distinctly said, that if the French would not agree to fair terms of peace, they would support the crown in carrying on the war. He owned the declaration of ministers that day, did not make the amendment so necessary as it would otherwise have been. He reminded the learned lord, that the French Revolution had originated not with the people, but with the government, in consequence of their extravagance and waste -a thing which ought to be a warning to all governments.

The Duke of Bedford said, that after the indulgence he had received, he would not animadvert on the various topics of the debate. The declaration of his majesty was not sufficiently precise; but that of the secretary of state that night, if he had taken down his words correctly, would satisfy him, and he should withdraw his amendment, if he understood the noble

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The King's Answer to the Lords Address.] To the Address of the Lords his majesty returned this answer,

"My Lords;-I receive with the greatest pleasure this very loyal and dutiful address. The sense which you entertain of the present situation and prospect of affairs, and the assurances you give me of your support in that line of conduct which I have judged it necessary to pursue, must produce the best effects with a view to either of the alternatives to which the present crisis may lead. My exertions shall be unremittingly employed to maintain the honour and essential interest of my kingdoms, and promote the welfare and prosperity of my people."

Copies of the Treaties with Russia; the Emperor of Germany; and America.] Nov. 3. Mr. secretary Dundas presented Copies of the Treaties of Defensive Alliance with Russia, and the Emperor of Germany, and the Treaty of Commerce and Navigation with the United States of America: of which the following are translations:

Treaty of Defensive Alliance between His Britannic Majesty and the Empress of Russia. Signed at St. Petersburgh, the 18th of February, 1795.

them and their respective monarchies, have thought that nothing would more effectually clusion of a treaty of defensive alliance, concontribute to this salutary end than the conforthwith, and which should have for basis the cerning which they should occupy themselves stipulations of similar treaties which have already been heretofore concluded, and have made the objects of the most intimate union between the two empires. For this purpose their said majesties have named for their plenipotentiaries, that is to say, his Britannic majesty, the Sieur Charles Whitworth, his envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to her imperial majesty of all the Russias, knight of the order of the Bath; and her imperial majesty of all the Russias, the Sieur John Count Osterman, her vice chancellor, actual privy councillor, senator and knight of the orders of St. Andrew, of St. Alexander Newsky, Great Cross of that of St. Vladimir of the first class of St. Anne; the Sieur Alexander count of Bezborodko, her great master of the court, actual privy coun cillor, director general of the posts, and knight of the orders of St. Andrew, of St. Alexander Newsky, and Great Cross of that of St. Vladimir of the first class; and the Sieur Arcadi de Morcoff, privy councillor, member of the college of foreign affairs, knight of the order of St. Alexander Newsky, and Great

Cross of that of St. Vladimir of the first class : Who after having mutually exchanged their full powers, found to be in good and due form, have agreed upon the following articles:

ART 1. There shall be a sincere and constant friendship between his Britannic majesty and her majesty the empress of all the Russias, their heirs and successors, and, in consequence of this intimate union, the high contracting parties shall have nothing more strongly at heart than to promote by all possible means their mutual interests, to avert from each other whatever might cause them any injury, damage or prejudice, and to maintain themselves reciprocally in the undisturbed possession of their dominions, rights, commerce and prerogatives whatsoever, by guaranteeing reciprocally for this purpose all their countries, dominions, and possessions, as well such as they actually possess, as those which they may require by treaty.

ART. 2. If notwithstanding the efforts which they shall employ by common consent in or der to obtain this end, it should nevertheless happen that one of them should be attacked by sea or land, the other shall furnish him, the succours stipulated by the following arimmediately on the requisition being made, ticles of this treaty.

In the name of the Most Holy Trinity ;His Britannic Majesty, and Her Majesty the Empress of all the Russias, animated with a desire equally sincere to strengthen more and more the ties of friendship and good understanding which so happily subsist between

ART. 3. His Britannic majesty and her imperial majesty of all the Russias, declare, however, that in contracting the present alliance, their intention is by no means to give offence thereby, or to injure any one, but that their sole intention is to provide by these engagements for their reciprocal advantage and se

'curity, as well as for the re-establishment of peace, and for the maintenance of the general tranquillity of Europe, and above all that of the North.

ART. 4. As the two high contracting parties profess the same desire to render to each other their mutual succours as advantageous as possible, and as the natural force of Russia consists in land troops, whilst Great Britain can principally furnish ships of war, it is agreed upon, that if his Britannic majesty should be attacked or disturbed by any other power, and in whatever manner it might be, in the possession of his dominions and provinces, so that he should think it necessary to require the assistance of his ally, her imperial majesty of all the Russias shall send him immediately 10,000 infantry and 2,000 horse. If, on the other hand, her imperial majesty of all the Russias should find herself attacked or disturbed by any other power, and in whatever manner it my be, in the possession of her dominions and provinces, so that she should think it necessary to require the assistance of her ally, his Britannic majesty shall send her forthwith a squadron of twelve ships of war and of the line, carrying 708 guns, according to the following list; two ships of 74 guns, making together 148 guns, and the crews 960 men; six ships of 60 guns, making 360 guns, and the crews 2,400 men; four ships of 50 guns, making 200 guns, and the crews 1,200 men. In the whole twelve ships, 708 guns, and the crews 4,560 men. This squadron shall be properly equipped and armed for war. These succours shall be respectively sent to the places which shall be specified by the requiring party, and shall remain at his free disposal as long as hostilities shall last.

ART. 5. But if the nature of the attack were such, as that the party attacked should not find it to his interest to demand the effective succours, such as they have been stipulated for in the preceding article, in that case the two high contracting powers have resolved to change the said succour into a pecuniary subsidy; that is to say, if his Britannic majesty should be attacked, and should prefer pecuniary succours, her imperial majesty of all the Russias, after the requisition having been previously made, shall pay to him the sum of five hundred thousand roubles yearly, during the continuance of hostilities, to assist him to support the expenses of the war; and if her imperial majesty of all the Russias should be attacked, and should prefer pecuniary succours, his Britannic majesty shall furnish her with the same sum yearly, as long as hostilities shall last.

ART. 6. If the party required, after having furnished the succour stipulated in the fourth article of this treaty, should be himself at tacked, so as to put him thereby under the necessity of recalling his troops for his own safety he shall be at liberty to do so, after having informed the requiring party thereof two months beforehand. In like manner, if [VOL. XXXII.]

the party required were himself at war at the time of the requisition, so that he should be obliged to retain near himself, for his own proper security and defence, the forces which he is bound to furnish to his ally in virtue of this treaty? in such case the party required shall be dispensed from furnishig the said succour so long as the said necessity shall last.

ART. 7. The Russian auxiliary troops shall be provided with field artillery, ammunition, and every thing of which they may stand in need in proportion to their number. They shall be paid and recruited annually by the requiring court. With regard to the ordinary rations and portions of provisions and forage, as well as quarters, they shall be furnished to them by the requiring court, the whole on the footing upon which his own troops are or shall be maintained in the field or in quarters.

ART. 8. In case the said Russian auxiliary troops required by his Britannic majesty should be obliged to march by land, and to traverse the dominions of any other powers, his Britannic majesty shall use his endeavours jointly with her imperial majesty of all the Russias to obtain for them a free passage, and shall supply them on their march with the necessary provisions and forage in the manner stipulated in the preceding article; and when they shall have to cross the sea, his Britannic majesty shall take upon himself either to transport them in his own ships, or to defray the expenses of their passage; the same is also to be understood as well with regard to the recruits which her imperial majesty will be obliged to send to her troops, as respecting their return to Russia whenever they shall either be sent back by his Britannic majesty, or recalled by her imperial majesty of all the Russias for her own defence, according to article 6, of this treaty. It is further agreed upon, that, in case of recalling or sending back the said troops, an adequate convoy of ships of war shall escort them for their security,

ART. 9. The commanding officer, whether of the auxiliary troops of her imperial majesty of all the Russias, or of the squadron which his Briannic majesty is to furnish Russia with, shall keep the command which has been intrusted to him; but the command in chief shall belong most certainly to him whom the requiring party shall appoint for that purpose under the restriction, however, that nothing of importance shall be undertaken that shall not have been before-hand regulated and determined upon in a council of war, in the presence of the general and commanding officers of the party required.

ART. 10. And, in order to prevent all disputes about rank, the requiring party shall give due notice of the officer to whom he will give the command in chief, whether of a fleet or of land forces; to the end that the party required may regulate in consequence the rank of him who shall have to command the auxiliary troops or ships.

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