this matter. I cannot think of anything that is omitted.' We had under consideration But at last some ingenious Member of the last year the great subject of India, which Cabinet perhaps said, "There is one sub- was enough to absorb the attention of any ject forgotten there is the reform of Government, fraught as the circumstances Parliament; we must put that in." The were with danger to our whole empire right hon. Gentleman seemed as unwilling there; but there is now no such excuse for to touch on that subject here as the Cabinet procrastination. If the Government have were in putting it into the Speech. Heaven made up their minds to introduce a Reform knows how it has fallen into their charge! Bill let them lay it on the table. I will How came they to be Reformers? How give no opinion on a measure of that kind they will answer that question when it is until I see what it proposes to do. If it put by the country, I cannot say. As the should be a good one, no doubt the great right hon. Gentleman the Member for majority of the House will be disposed to Radnor (Sir George Lewis) has properly accept it. But I think that Her Masaid, "Before you ask for a reform in jesty's Government having accepted this Parliament and an amendment of the re-obligation, they are bound to fulfil it. Ι presentation you ought to point out the can easily understand that that will give evils which you want to redress.' There them many a pang, and that they will be are some evils in the system of Parliamen- apt to think it is not the sort of task for tary representation which I wish to re- which they are best fitted. One right hon. dress. I think there are vast numbers of Gentleman the Vice President of the people who are not electors, but who are Committee of Council for Education (Mr. well entitled by their honesty to be admitted Adderley)-is stated to have said in reto electoral rights. I believe that their ference to this subject :-"To be sure we being admitted to these rights will give never before played the fiddle, but that is them a greater sense of their stake in the no reason why we should not now play it constitution and will strengthen the bases as well as anybody else." Well, let them of the constitution. I do not believe this take it in haud now, and let us know what extension will shake any of the institutions is the tune they are disposed to give us. of this monarchical constitution, with its There is every disposition in this House to aristocracy and its Established Church. I wait their time; but they must not be do not believe the admission of those per- putting off the subject. My hon. Friend sons who are fitted to exercise the fran- behind me (Mr. Bright), I am afraid, will chise will tend to injure any of the institu- hardly be able to restrain his impatience. tions of the country. I believe the mass But really it is the business of a Governof the country in general are of the opinion ment to undertake great questions of this of our forefathers before us-of the opinion nature; they have given a pledge in this of Burke, Fox, and Pitt-that the institu- matter and they are bound to perform it. tions of this country have given the people as great a share of liberty and happiness as was ever enjoyed under any institutions which human wisdom has devised. That, no doubt, was the opinion of Mr. Burke, Mr. Fox, and Mr. Pitt, and they were no fools. I believe such to be the opinion of the country in general, and I wish to see those benefits extended. But I am at a loss to understand the hesitation in this matter. The right hon. Gentleman"Now fitted the halter, now traversed the cart; And often took leave, but seemed loth to depart." He seemed unwilling to apply the noose or to fix the time. I do not want to hurry the Government on this subject. I think it is quite fair that the First Lord of the Admiralty should say, "We want to increase our naval force;" but I do not see that there is any subject which the Government intend to bring forward that will furnish them with any excuse for delay in SIR JOHN PAKINGTON: Sir, after the discussion to which the House has just listened, it is not my intention to trespass upon this occasion at any length on its indulgence. I am anxious, however, to endeavour to remove the mistaken impression which the noble Lord the Member for London seems to entertain with regard to the intentions of Her Majesty's Government, in consequence of the place they have assigned in Her Majesty's Speech to the subject of Parliamentary Reform. The noble Lord seems to think that we have treated that question with a great want of proper respect; and the noble Lord seems disposed even to doubt the sincerity of Her Majesty's Government with regard to legislation upon the subject, because they have not assigned to it a more prominent position in the Speech from the Throne. The noble Lord appears to be perfectly convinced that it was only after a long con versation in the Cabinet, and it may be as an afterthought, that the subject of Reform. found its way into the Speech at all. Now, of course we should be very unwilling to incur the censure of the noble Lord, and therefore we naturally looked around us to see what consolation we could find, or what precedent there might be for the course we thought it advisable to pursue. Now I hold in my hand the Speech delivered by Her Majesty to Parliament at the opening of the Session in 1852, when the noble Lord was Prime Minister of this country, and I find that that Speech, after containing various references to finance and a great number of other questions more or less connected with the government of the country, ends with the following paragraph: "It appears to me that this is a fitting time for calmly considering whether it may not be advisable to make such amendments in the Act of the late reign relating to the representation of the Commons in Parliament as may be deemed calculated to carry into more complete effect the principles on which that law is founded." Then there is in the Speech only one other sentence, which contains nothing more than the usual formal wind-up of documents of the same character; so that whatever error we may have committed, whatever remissness we may have shown upon this subject, we have at least the consolation of knowing that we are following in the footsteps of the noble Lord. The noble Lord assigned to this his favourite topic-his own subject of Parliamentary Reform-precisely the same position in Her Majesty's Speech which we have assigned to it, and I hope, now that I have removed from the mind of the noble Lord the unfavourable impression he seems to have formed upon this point, I have only to add that I trust a notice will at no very distant day be given to the House which will equally remove from his mind any doubt he may entertain of the determination of the Government to deal with this great question in all sincerity and honesty. Motion agreed to. Committee appointed to draw up an Address to be presented to Her Majesty upon the said ResoMr. TREFUSIS, Mr. BEECROFT, Mr. WALPOLE, General PEEL, Lord STANLEY, Sir JOHN PAKINGTON, Mr. HENLEY, Lord JOHN MANNERS, Mr. ATTORNEY GENERAL, Lord NAAS, Mr. ATTORNEY GENERAL for Ireland, Sir WILLIAM JOLLIFFE, and Mr. FITZROY, or any Five of them;-To withdraw immediately Queen's Speech referred. lution : CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, Mr. Secretary House adjourned at a quarter before Eight o'clock. HOUSE OF LORD S, Friday, February 4, 1859. MINUTES.] PUBLIC BILLS.-1a Vexatious Indict ments; Juries in Civil Causes. SIR JOHN LAWRENCE.-EXPLANATION. EARL GRANVILLE: I am anxious, my Lords, to take this early opportunity of making a statement with regard to one of the most distinguished men in India-one to whom this country is greatly indebted for the part which he took in the suppression of the recent rebellion in India. I allude to Sir John Lawrence. I have had a correspondence with that gentleman. with respect to a statement which I made last year, and, with the permission of the House, I will state the result of that correspondence. In the course of a debate in the last Session I stated, as a proof of the firmness of Lord Canning, that on hearing that negotiations had arisen with the insurgents at Delhi, he took upon himself to send a telegraphic message, objecting to their being proceeded with, although they had been regarded favourably by Sir John Lawrence and by the military authorities. Now, this statement was made upon information of the most reliable character. But from the communications which I have received from Sir John Lawrence, it appears that the negotiations were not with the body of the insurgents, but were proposed by the King of Delhi to the general in command, (General Reed) not General Wilson, as I supposed at the time; and Sir John Lawrence concurred in the opinion that it was desirable to negotiate with the King of Delhi, on condition that he could give an assurance that he had never issued orders for the murder of any of our fellow-countrymen, and on his giving a guarantee to deliver into our hands the gates of his palace, thereby enabling us to take the other positions of the insurgents in the reverse. The chief reason assigned by Sir John Lawrence for agreeing to those negotiations is the small number of our troops, the inefficiency of our siege trains, the immense disproportion of the field guns of the enemy, the almost hopelessness of the prospect of taking Delhi, and other considerations, which in his opinion made this measure desirable; and which would moreover save many valuable lives. At that period the communications between Sir John Lawrence and Calcutta were entirely suspended. Sir John Lawrence sent information to a Lord Canning as to his views on this matter, but I have reason to believe that that particular despatch was not received by Lord Canning. It appears that afterwards message was received from Lord Canning, stating that he had heard rumours of such negotiations being on foot, and objecting to any negotiations which would have for their result the replacing of the King of Delhi in his former position. That telegraphic message arrived after the negoti MY LORDS, I thank you sincerely for your loyal and dutiful Address. I have great Satisfaction in receiving the Assurance of your careful Consideration of the different Measures which will be submitted to you; and you may rely on My cordial Co-operation in your Endeavours to improve and strengthen the Institutions of the Country, and to promote the Happiness and Prosperity of My People. IMMIGRATION ACT (JAMAICA) PETITION. others, of Arnatto Bay, in the Island of ations had been found to be fruitless, and at the time when our troops had been reinforced, and the siege had been very nearly completed. These statements are the result of a very long letter with which it is scarcely necessary to trouble your Lordships; but the statements in this letter are fortified by confirmatory documents. My Lords, I have never doubted for a moment tion from emancipated labourers, and that any course taken by Sir J. Lawrence was supported by most weighty reasons; and, at the same time, I am still of opinion that it required great moral courage on the part of Lord Canning, when he heard of the rumour of negotiations, to take upon himself to forbid such negotiations. Although I have no doubt that Sir John Lawrence was right, and if possession of the place could have been obtained at that time it would have prevented the loss of valuable lives; still, upon the other hand, judging after the event, it was of some advantage that Delhi should have been taken by our troops without any such negotiations having been completed with the King, who was at the head of the insurgents. No person can imagine that I wish to disparage the merits of either of those distinguished men in order to raise the character of the other. That is certainly not my intention; on the contrary, I believe that both in their different capacities performed their duty in a manner which is now fully appreciated both in this country and in India. What is especially satisfactory to me is, that in his letter Sir John Lawrence speaks in the highest terms of Lord Canning, and Lord Čanning has never failed in his private letters to me to acknowledge in the warmest terms the great services of Sir J. Lawrence. no want of labourers in that country, and that all attempts which had been made to obtain a further supply of them had proved absolute failures. The petitioners also complained that the introduction of these labourers lowered the rate of their own wages; and herein he could not altogether agree with the Petitioners, but it tended to make him lean towards their view if the Bill imposed taxes upon the Island so as to make them pay for a premium for this very importation. It was also a grievance that the work of the clergy was frustrated, as the immigrants introduced a vast amount of superstition and immorality; and they therefore prayed that their Lordships would, by an address to the Crown, use their influence to prevent the Royal Assent being given to the measure. He should not now go further into the matter, than give notice that he should on Monday ask a question of the noble Lord, the Under Secretary for the Colonies, as to whether the Royal assent had or had not been given to this Bill. House adjourned at half-past five o'clock, to Monday next, halfpast four o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Friday, February 4, 1859. MINUTES.] NEW WRIT ISSUED.-For Dublin University, v. George Alexander Hamilton, esq., Steward of the Manor of Northstead. PUBLIC BILLS.-1° Occasional Forms of Prayer. MILITARY HONOURS TO THE "HOST," AT MALTA-QUESTION. SIR ANDREW AGNEW said, that without alluding to any particular case he wished to inquire of the Secretary of State for War whether a garrison order had been issued at Malta to the effect that all guards and sentries are to present arms to and salute the Host whenever it might pass their respective posts? Whether Her Majesty's Government had sanctioned this order, or were prepared to allow a similar one to be enforced in any British dependency? Whether Captain Sheffield, of the 21st Royal North British Fusiliers, had been placed under arrest for declining (as a Protestant) to comply with this order? GENERAL PEEL replied that all orders given to the troops in garrison abroad were transmitted to this country. He had made inquiries at the Horse Guards, and was informed that no order whatever had been given, except the circular issued by Lord Hill, in 1837. That circular had been acted on up to the present time without any complaint having been made, or the authorities seeing occasion to alter it. THE MILITIA-QUESTION. COLONEL NORTH said, he would beg Jeave to ask the right hon. Gentleman at the head of the War Department whether there was any truth in the rumour that it was in the contemplation of Her Majesty's Government to reduce 10,000 of the present embodied militia force? GENERAL PEEL said, that the strength of the embodied militia always had depended, and would continue to depend, on the number of men required to complete the establishment voted by Parliament, which during the present year amounted to nearly 22,000. It would depend entirely on the number of regiments sent home from India this year whether that number would be diminished or not. No doubt the rumour had arisen from the circumstance that it was the intention of the Government to disembody some regiments in order to substitute others. The Government did not think it advisable to keep the same regiments embodied for a very great length of time, inasmuch as the men acquired per manent military habits, and lost all their ordinary connection with the classes from which they were drawn. It was, therefore, the intention of Government to disembody some regiments and call out others, especially in the artillery service, in order to give more opportunities for drilling and practice. GALWAY PORT AND HARBOUR. QUESTION. VISCOUNT DUNKELLIN said, he wished to inquire of the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he had any objection to lay on the table of the House a copy of the instructions given to the Commissioners appointed last October, by the Irish Government, to visit and inspect the port and harbour of Galway; and a copy of the Report presented by the Commissioners on the condition and wants of the harbour; and to state what steps, if any Her Majesty's Government had taken, or proposed to take, in consequence thereof? SIR JOHN PAKINGTON said, that there was not the slightest objection to lay the Report to which the noble Lord had referred on the table of the House. In point of strictness, the inquiry was not carried on by a Commission. He received an application from the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, expressing a wish that some inquiry should be made with regard to the capabilities of the port and harbour of Galway as a harbour of refuge and a port for the packet service. In consequence of that application he appointed two experienced officers of the Admiralty (Captain Washington and Captain Vetch) to make an inquiry. The Government of Ireland associated with those gentlemen an experienced Irish engineer (Mr. Gibbon), and those three gentlemen made an investigation as to the capability of the port of Galway, both as a packet station and a harbour of refuge. As he had stated, he had no objection to lay their Report on the table, but he might state that it was certainly very much in favour of the adoption of the port for those purposes. If he recollected rightly, it was stated that for an expenditure of a few thousand pounds Galway Bay might be rendered very va luable both as a harbour of refuge and a packet station. The latter part of the question did not strictly belong to the department with which he had the honour of being connected. It was rather one for the Treasury than for the Admiralty; but he might state that the Government had been in communication both with the Lord | Gentleman in the House understood it bet Lieutenant of Ireland and the Postmaster General, but no final decision had yet been made. MR. H. HERBERT said, he wished to ask whether the gentlemen referred to were instructed to inquire into the capabilities of any other port in Ireland besides that of Galway? SIR JOHN PAKINGTON said, that the communication which he had received from the Irish Government referred solely to Galway, and the inquiry had been confined to that port. ter. Expectation had been held out upon this subject by the noble Lord before he entered office, and he (Mr. Hadfield) had the greatest confidence that those expectations would be realized now that he was in office. The noble Lord had a magnificent work before him, and one might well envy his position. He had an opportunity, by the adoption of a sound policy, to advance the best interests of India, and at the same time he could secure to this country the greatest blessings. He felt sure that the noble Lord would not neglect that opportunity. At the same time, perhaps, it would not be inconvenient that the House should be informed of the intentions of the Government with respect to this important subject. For THE ADDRESS.-REPORT. Report of Address brought up and read. MR. HADFIELD said, he could not but express great pleasure at that portion of the Queen's Speech which referred to the LORD STANLEY: The House, I am improvement of India. The importance of sure, will not desire that I should go now India to this country could not be over- into details upon the question of the cotton rated, especially at the present time, when supply and the progress of public works in the manufacturing portion of the commu- India. I shall have the opportunity of nity were expressing some alarm lest there alluding to that subject ten days hence, should be a deficiency in cotton and other since it is one which is naturally connected raw material. He believed that no one with the question of Indian finance. knew better than the noble Lord at the the present, I will only say that I agree head of the Indian department the capa- with the hon. Member both as to the posbilities of India, and it was but reasonable sibility and as to the importance of greatly to hope that after all the blood and trea- increasing the supply of cotton from India. sure which had been expended in India It has been estimated that the difference this country should now reap some ad- between a good and a scanty supply of vantage, especially as that advantage cotton in this country is about equal to the would be shared in by the conquered as difference between a war income tax and well as the conquerors. Nothing was so no income tax at all. It is therefore a important to the welfare of this country matter to which no English Minister and as that there should be a good and no Member of this House can be indiffeconstant supply of that staple article rent. I agree with the hon. Member also, of our manufacture-cotton; and for that the most important means which the his part he knew of no reason which Government have in their power for the could prevent its being supplied in abun- purpose of promoting the cotton supply dance by our own dependencies. It had from India is to facilitate communication been calculated that the manufacturers of between different parts of the country. I England were paying ten millions of money believe that if we can only supply means of annually, beyond the natural price for that transit from the interior to the coast, it article to the United States. It was the will be found that any other difficulties duty, therefore, of the Government to which may be supposed to be in the way do all in their power to foster the of carrying on the cultivation of the artiproduce, and facilitate the transmission cle will rapidly diminish. The Government of so necessary a material. The wants of is fully convinced that, even in the present India were chiefly limited to two-roads condition of Indian finance-and that this and water for the purpose of irrigation. condition is very serious I need scarcely With these supplied, he believed that that tell this House-it is their duty not to discountry would be able to make up all the continue expenditure upon public works. difference between an abundant and a re- Caution and discrimination will be needed; stricted supply of cotton. He had the but if we were to discontinue all outlay greatest confidence in the noble Lord, and upon public works until a deficit should beknew that he entertained the most enlight- come a surplus, that would not be the ened views on the question. Probably no way to bring the finances of India into |