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its confidence to the man who, in the moment of crifis, has kept oppofition within the bounds of the conftitution, a man who has been true and fleady to his opinion, even when by adhering to it he was placing himfelf equally at a distance from popularity and power. The war keeps Mr. Pitt in office; peace would recall Mr. Fox to it. Such is the real alternative that ought to be fubmitted to the English; there is none other to be feared; it is that alone which makes Mr. Pitt tremble. Ought the nation to think as he does? This is not a war in which the errors of a minifter will fall only on the generation that faw their birth; it is a war which, in its confequences, involves the very exiflence of England, the glory of the world, and the being of liberty.'

The fecond part of the work, which is addreffed to the French nation, contains arguments chiefly calculated to induce the different parties in France to lay down their arms; we will therefore pafs over it without obfervation, as being in no other fenfe interefting to an English reader, than as they may be conducive to the reftoration of the peace of Europe, by proving to the leaders of the Convention that they have more perfonal danger to apprehend from the profecution of the war, than from a ceffation of hoftilities, and a general pacification; and that, if they with that their country fhould enjoy a real and lafting repofe, they ought to repeal all the laws against emigrants of every defcription, and reftore the forfeited eftates.

In the pamphlet before us, the writer manifefts a manly mind, great powers of difcrimination, much knowlege of the human heart, and an understanding unbiaffed by paffion or party. He writes with elegance, and in general reasons with effect; poffeffing the happy talent of perfuading, even where he does not fully fucceed in convincing.

Since we wrote the above, we have heard that Madame DE STAEL, daughter of M. Necker, and lady of the Baron de Stael, Minifter from Sweden to France, is the author of this pamphlet.

ART. XIV. Mémoires du Comte de Grammont. Par le Comte ANTOINE HAMILTON. 4to. à Londres, chez Edwards, Pall Mall.

BY

Y thofe readers who are attached to the perufal of romances, particularly fuch as have fome foundation on facts, Comte HAMILTON's entertaining Memoirs of the Comte de Grammont, though published fo many years ago, will probably be easily recollected. More than a fingle tranflation of them has appeared in our language; and, fo long fince as the year 1754, we find the mention of one in our Review, vol. ix. p. 395. We do not remember, however, that any elegant or handfome edition of them has been given to the world; and, therefore, readers of mifcellaneous talte will doubtlefs be thankful for the impref

fion which now lies before us, and which unites all the beauty of modern paper and typography with the rich and gratifying decorations of engraving.

An advertisement premifes the following remarks:

Thefe Memoirs have been fo favourably received by the public, that we have thought it right to give a new edition of them, with every advantage of which they were fufceptible. Unique, in its kind, this work has no need of commendation: it has indeed, if we may fo fpeak, become a claffic in every country of Europe.

Befides the adventures of Comte de Grammont, of themselves extremely poignant, these Memoirs comprehend the Amorous Hiftory of the Court of England in the reign of Charles II. They are, moreover, written in fo lively and ingenious a manner, that they will not ceafe to give great pleasure, even when the subject of them shall become less interefting.

The portraits, with which this edition is ornamented, are engraven from original paintings preferved by their defcendants; who have communicated them, together with many private anecdotes. All contemporary [and later] hiftorians have been confulted, in order to form notes, which are equally neceffary for the hiftory of the period, and to enable the reader to enter fully into the spirit of the author.'

The plates are feventy-eight in number, and are ably and pleasingly executed; except in a few inftances, in which there appear lefs finishing and lefs harmony than in the greater part. The portraits of Madame Royale, daughter of Henry IV. of France, Nell Gwyn, Mifs Jennings, Oliver Cromwell, Duke of Ormond, Lord Ruffell, Duke of Marlborough, &c. feem to us to be among the best.

The notes and elucidations are copious, occupying 77 pages, and contribute greatly to the value of the edition. Clarendon, Hume, Voltaire, Burnet, the prefent Lord Orford, Macpherfon, &c. &c. are among the authorities quoted. The following anecdotes of the hero of the work will afford fome infight into his character:

It is thought that the marriage of the celebrated Comte de Gramment was a forced one. During his ftay in England, he very affiduoufly courted Mifs Hamilton; but he left London without fulfilling his engagements. The lady's brothers, who were young men, purfued him, refolved to chaftife him if he would not adhere to his word. They overtook him near Dover, and asked him if he had forgotten nothing at London: O yes, faid the Comte, who faw their intention, I have forgotten to marry your fifter; and he returned to London to complete the marriage.

The humour of this reply leads me to obferve that this was the fame Chevalier de Grammont, who directed the fiege of a place, the governor of which furrendered after a fhort defence, and obtained an honourable capitulation." To tell you a fecret," said the Governor to

Sifter of the author of thefe Memoirs,

APP. REV. VOL. XVI.

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M. de Grammont, "want of powder forced me to capitulate.”—“ To let you also into a fecret, replied the Chevalier," I should not have granted you fuch honourable terms, had I not been in great want of bull." Biog. Gallica, vol. i. p. 202.

The Comte de Grammont was taken dangerously ill in 1696. The King, who knew that this nobleman was not very religious, defired the Marquis de Dangeau to vifit the Comte, and to fay, from him, that it was time to think of another world. M. de Grammont, on hear ing this, turned towards his wife, and faid, "Countefs, if you do not take care, Dangeau will trick you out of my confeffion."

A well-executed tranflation of this work is published by Harding, in Pall Mall, (price 41. 10s.) accompanied with the fame engravings and notes which adorn and illuftrate the prefent edition in French. The notes, we are informed, were firft written in English, and have been tranflated into French for Mr. Edwards's impreffion.

ART. XV. Unterfuchungen uber die Englifche Staats verfaffung, &c. i. e. Inquiries concerning the English Conftitution. By HENRY CHRISTOPHER ALBRECHT. First Part, pp. 336; Second Part, pp. 364. 8vo, Leipfig. 1794:

AMONG the innovators of Germany, there exifts, it seems, a confiderable party who are for new-modelling the conftitution of that empire on the plan of the British government. In order to refift this Anglo-mania, the prefent work has been published; which depicts the ruling inftitutions of this country in an unfavourable point of view, and holds up their conftruction to notice as a warning and not as an example. Great part of the first volume is taken up with the abufe of religious eftablishments, of Henry the Eighth the founder of the Church of England, and with the hiftory of the perfecution of Dr. Priestley. The fecond volume talks about the conftitution of Alfred, the convention of Runymede, and the deficiency of the reprefentation, in a manner from which an Englishman can learn nothing but audacity of difcontent. The author concludes with the opinion that this nation ought not to purfue a parliamentary reform, which would remedy abfurdities rather than evils, and thofe in one branch only of the legislature, but a conflitutional reform, or a revifal and reconstruction of the whole fyftem.

Thefe differtations are written with a spirit of freedom which rivals that of the Letters of Groenvelt, (fee Rev. N. S. vol. ix. p. 169.) but they exhibit fymptoms of offenfive coarseness and fcanty information.

ART.

ENGLISH LITERATURE.

ART XVI. Hiftory of the principal Republics in the World: a Defence of the Conftitutions of Government of the United States of America, against the Attack of M. Turgot, in his Letter to Dr. Price dated the twenty-fecond Day of March 1778. By John Adams, LL. D. and a Member of the Academy of Arts and Sciences at Bofton. A new Edition. 8vo. 3 Vols. 11. 1s. Boards. Stockdale. 1794. PERHAPS it would not be an extravagant affertion, if we were

to say that at least one half of the confufion, which arifes in the world, is owing either to an ignorant mifapprehenfion, or to a perverse abuse of words. In the affairs of politics, this axiom might be exemplified by a thousand examples, but by none more pertinently than by that which is the main fubject of the prefent work, the term republic. Many perfons, to whom, notwithstanding the early prepoffeffions of a claffical education, the very name of republican, from various accidental causes, is become odious, will be furprised at being told that the British ftate, in its original spirit and true character, is in reality a free republic; and will wonder ftill more that an American republican, and one of the most able and active members of that Congrefs which, in 1776, first declared the American colonies free, fovereign and independent ftates, has written one of the most able defences of the British Conftitution that has ever appeared. Yet we are very much mistaken if the truth of all this will not be confeffed by every impartial reader, who attentively perufes this Hiftory of the principal Republics in the World-the additional title very properly prefixed to the prefent edition *.

The circumftance which gave rife to this publication was an objection made against the conftitution of the States of America by M. Turgot, in a letter to Dr. Price; "that they had, without any particular motive, imitated the cuftoms of England, and inftead of collecting all authority into one center, that of the nation, have eftablifhed different bodies,-bodies of reprefentatives, a council, and a governor, because there is in England, a Houfe of Commons, a Houfe of Lords, and a King." In reply to this obfervation, Dr. Adams undertakes to prove, at large, that a free republic is the best of governments, and the greateft bleffing to which mortals can afpire ;. and that the freedom of a republic can only be fecured by inftituting three independent branches in its legiflature and preferving their independence facred, and by keeping the legislative and executive authorities perfectly detached from each other. In order to maintain his point, this able politician sometimes reasons theoretically: but, doubtless aware of the difficulty of

* For the first edition, fee M. R. vol. lxxvi. p. 394.

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eftablishing a practicable fyftem of government merely on abftract principles, he very judiciously makes his principal appeal to facts. He takes a fuccinct view of most of the ftates which have fubfifted in the world under the name of republics : examining the various modes of government, both nominal and real, in each; and detailing fuch particulars, refpecting the internal and external condition of these states, as may serve to illuftrate his general pofition. In the result, he finds that each ftate has been refpectively free and happy, or otherwife, in proportion to the attention which has been paid to the diftribution of its power into three orders, a governor, a fenate, and the general body of the people acting perfonally or by their reprefentatives. The term republic, res publica, principally fignifies in general public affairs, and is applicable to every kind of government, but it has been lately by many writers arbitrarily confined to the democratic form of government, in which the whole power or fovereignty of the people is centered in a single affembly, chofen by them at ftated periods. This term Dr. Adams applies with precifion to his own fyftem, by adding to it the epithet free; and his work is a demonftration, founded on induction, that the great principle of a free republican government is, that it fhall be fo conftructed as to preferve an equilibrium of eftates or orders, and an independent execution of the laws.

We must not attempt to follow our political hiftorian through his well-arranged details. Our readers will derive much pleasure, and we fhall not perhaps prefume too far if we add, inftruction alfo, from the perufal of his account of republics democratical, ariftocratical, monarchical, or regal and mixed, at prefent exifting in Europe; from his retrospect, in the first volume, of the feveral republican forms of government in Greece and Rome; and from the full defcriptions which he gives, in his fecond and third volumes, of the rife, progrefs, and operations of the feveral political conftitutions in the Italian republics, through the middle ages, to the 14th century. The general obfervations deduced from the whole furvey are, that, though there be no example of a government fimply democratical, there are many of forms nearly or remotely refembling what is at prefent understood by collecting all authority into one center; from all which it appears that caprice, inftability, turbulence, revolutions, and the alternate prevalence of thofe two plagues and fcourges of mankind, tyranny and anarchy, have been the effects of governments without the balance of three orders.

In the argumentative parts of the work, the author reviews the fentiments of many eminent writers; particularly, among the antients, Plato, Ariftotle, Polybius, Dionyfius Halicar

naffenfis,

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