menced, it would have been equally absurd and improper to communicate it to parliament during its progress, unless it was suspended at some point, upon which the intervention of parliament became necessary. Thus the negociation between Mr. Pitt and M. de Bussy was not published during its pendency.

The motion was opposed upon many grounds. It was said, that it would discredit the Commissioners, and throw unexpected difficulties in the way of a negociation, which was probably already begun, and perhaps considerably advanced. It was now in their hands, in the common, natural, and regular course of business; why then undo whatever has been done, and disgrace the Commissioners, by taking it from them, without some sufficient motive? If it should be said, that the motion would not detract from the powers of the Commissioners, but, on the contrary, increase them; though the assertion is not admitted, yet other objections equally conclusive would lie against the measure, even upon that ground. By giving them the sanction proposed by the motion, it would evidently appear, that they were not before armed with parliamentary powers sufficient to fulfil the professed objects of their commission; a circumstance which must naturally excite the jealousy of the Americans, and fill them with the most alarming doubts, as to their real views, and the true object of their mission. Besides, why should parliament run before the Commissioners in their concessions? Who knows but that the Americans would be satisfied with far less than we should here

accord to them? By this premature bounty, we might defeat the endeavours of the Commissioners to obtain the most advantageous terms for the crown, the parliament, and the trading interest of this kingdom.

That to revise or repeal laws, under the idea of redressing the grievances of a people, who totally denied the authority of those laws, and who consequently could. not be aggrieved by them, would be an absurdity of so superlative a degree, as could not fail exciting the ridicule of mankind. The Americans have declared themselves independent: what avails it to deliberate upon the concessions, which we are willing, or it is titing for us to make, until we know whether any concession will bring them back to an acknowledgment of our authority? Shall we admit of their independency, by treating with them as sovereign states? or shall we subject ourselves to their contempt and derision, by debating upon the degree of authority which we shall exercise over those, who totally deny our right and power to exercise any?

In a word, said they, the question of independency must first be settled as a preliminary, before any treaty can be entered into, or any concession made. Let them give that up, and acknowledge our legislative authority, and then we shall willingly, and with propriety, form legislative regulations for their future ease and government. But whilst they persist in their claim of independency, and hurl defiance at us as sovereign states, no treaty can be thought of, and concessions would be as futile, as ridiculous and disgraceful.

Upon

Upon the whole it was finally declared, that until the spirit of independency was effectually subdued, it would be idle to enter upon any revisions, or to pass any resolutions, as means of conciliation; and that the sword must be first taken out of the hands of the governing part of America, before that purpose could be accomplished. That the Congress did not at present govern America, but held it enthralled under the most cruel tyranny. That from our late successes, and the difference between the troops which composed the armies on either side, there was little room to doubt, that this arbitrary power would soon be dissolved,when the great body of the people, finding themselves emancipated from the cruel yoke of their leaders; and the charm by which they had been blindfolded and misled, being now at an end, they will return to their duty with as much rapidity, as they had before entered into the revolt. Then will be the time to think of legislative regulations for their future government, and to talk of lenity, forbearance, and even concession: at present, such ideas and such language are fruitless, if not worse.

The explanations given to reconcile the declaration of the Commissioners with the rights of parliament, and the respect due to that body, were by no means satisfactory to the other side. They first denied the fact on which the arguments of ministry were founded; namely, "that the promise of concurring in the "revisal of laws was a matter of negociation." It was a power

66

given previous to any treaty, either in progress, or even in commencement; and the refusal to do what was so promised, would, instead of forwarding, prevent any transaction of the kind. They laughed at the idea of the Americans being satisfied with asking less than we should voluntarily grant, and the danger of our outdoing their demands by our concessions. They said it was an evident mockery. The crown had promised in this proclamation something which, without parliament, it could not perform.

But

They insisted, that neither the address of 1775, nor any of the documents mentioned, came in any degree up to the matter in question. They extended no farther than to the receiving of complaints of grievances, referring them to the consideration of parliament that it might judge of their validity, and prescribe a remedy, if necessary. the promise in the declaration, if not a piece of hypocrisy held out merely to deceive and trepan the Americans, can mean nothing less than an engagement on the side of the crown, for the future conduct of parliament. Nay, it goes farther: it engages that parliament shall act directly contrary to its own opinion, sentiments, and conduct, in a matter, which it has repeatedly declared and confirmed them; for as the crown cannot possibly have any share in the revisal of laws, though it has on their being passed or repealed, the engagement mean nothing else than the repeal of those acts, though all the world knows, that the house has

on

can

con

constantly rejected every overture of that nature, with the highest disdain, and most determined per

severance.

Nor was the slight and contempt shewn to parliament less in any part of the American business. Though they granted the most unbounded supplies without account or enquiry, and lavished their constituents money with a profusion unknown in any other period, yet were they kept totally in the dark in all matters necessary for their knowledge, and only shewn at certain times so much light, as was sufficient to mislead them for some particular purpose. Thus, nothing is to be heard from ministers within these walls, but the heroic language of subjugation, unconditional submission, and a war of conquest. America is to be subdued; charters are to be modified or annihilated at pleasure; and an effective revenue is to be obtained, sufficient to render our own burthens quite easy. Whilst parliament is thus amused, and these doctrines secure an irresistible party, and the bulk of the people on this side of the water, the most moderate measures and fascinating promises are held out by the same ministers on the other side, and nothing is to be heard in America, but peace, conciliation, and parental tenderness. If a straggling fact finds its way into the house by the aid of a news-paper, we are at one time told that its notoriety rendered a communication of it unnecessary, as by only stepping to New York, any body might have read it there upon the walls of the burning houses; and at another, we are gravely informed, that as Mr.

Pitt did not communicate some private conversation which passed between him and M. de Bussy, it would not be fitting to intrust parliament with the secrets contained in a public proclamation.

But nothing was so totally reprobated by opposition, or gave rise to so much asperity in the debate, as the doctrine of entering into no treaty or negociation with the Americans, until they had rescinded the declaration of independency. This was, they said, a doctrine founded in cruelty, and crying out for blood. It was telling them in express terms, that they must either surrender their arms, all the rights of freemen, and submit to any slavery which it was thought proper to impose on them, (for unconditional submission could mean nothing else), or they must prepare to endure the utmost extremities of war, and to fight it out to the last

man.

They asked upon what precedent this horrid doctrine was founded. Philip the IId of Spain, who was in his day, considered as the most gloomy, cruel, and despotic tyrant in Christendom, when he was in the same circumstances with the Netherlanders, whom he had also forced to a declaration of independency, accommodated, notwithstanding, the extravagance of his pride, and the bitterness of his resentment, to a wiser, as well as more humane policy. He condescended to treat with those daring rebels, who, by declaring themselves sovereign and independent, had thrown off all allegiance to him; he, by public edict, admitted their ships to enter his ports, and

to

to depart in safety; he made proposals to these new states; and he finally and positively declared, that he would redress all their grievances. Our own histories, as well as those of other nations, both ancient and modern, abound with such instances. What code of history or policy, then, have our ministers made the rule of their present conduct.

But, they said, that the Americans had been systematically and designedly driven to the present extremity. All the measures pursued for a succession of years, tended uniformly to that point; and finally, the commission for peace was kept back for seven months, until all possibility of its producing any effect was at an end, and the Americans, as had been well foreseen, were driven to their last resource of independency. All the bloodshed and devastation that has since taken, and that will hereafter take place, it was said, would lie at the docr of the authors of that delay. This it was that laid the noble city of New York in ashes, that covered the plains with slaughter and desolation, and steeped the bayonets of foreign mercenaries in British blood.

And now having succeeded in urging them to desperation, to the uttermost degree of resistance, and to the last resort of independency, they bring these inevitable consquences of their own measures, as arguments to prove, that nothing but force, the violence of armies, and the extremities of war, can bring them to a reasonable and proper way of thinking and acting; that the sword is the only mode of reason

ing with Americans; conquest the only means of rendering them free and happy; and Hessians and Highlanders the most skilful logicians, for enlightening their minds, and convincing their understanding.

Upon the whole they concluded, that if the house refused to concur in the proposed motion, it would afford a full conviction to the Americans, that the proposals held out by the commissioners were indeed insidious and treacherous; that no reliance could for the future be placed, hor conditions of any sort safely entered into with government, as the latent pretence of a parliamentary negative, would always afford a sanction to the most shameful breach of contract and faith; and that all the world would thereby see with horror, that the different parts of the British government had united in an odious confederacy, for the detestable purposes of destroying and exterminating, instead of governing their colonies.

The question being at length put, was rejected upon a division, by a majority of 109 to 47 only, who supported the motion.

From this time a great number of the minority, particularly of the Rockingham party, began to relax in their attendance upon parliament in either house; or rather to withdraw themselves wholly and avowedly upon all questions which related to America, and only to attend upon such matters of private bills or business, in which they had some particular concern or interest. This conduct was SO marked, that some of the principal leaders

of

as

of opposition, after attending the House of Commons, in the morning, upon private business, as soon as a public question was introduced, took a formal leave of the Speaker, and immediately with drew. Though by this means a clear field was left to the ministers, and the vast articles of supply were carried without a debate; yet these silent votes, in the granting and disposal of such immense sums of the 'national treasure, was by no means so pleasant a circumstance, might at first sight be imagined; the trouble of being obliged to listen to the arguments of a minority, which was not sufficiently numerous to throw any real impediment in the way of business, and of undergoing occasionally the fatigue of a late evening, being abundantly compensated by that sanction, which a decided majority afforded upon every question to their measures. Whilst the passing of such resolutions without debate or inquiry, seemed in some degree to leave them open for future discussion.

This measure, of a sort of partial secession, was justified upon several grounds. They said, that in the present state of things, all opposition to the measures of government, particularly with respect to American affairs, was not only vain and fruitless, but from the overbearing and resistless force, which supported the ministers in every question, it be came worse; it became frivolous and contemptible. That it was too degrading to themselves to be the continual instruments of opposing the ineffective weapons of reason and argument, to the VOL. XX.

deaf insolence of an irresistible force, which had long since determined upon its conduct, without the smallest regard to either. That there was no such thing as saving a people against their will. And that they had, for a succession of years, repeatedly appriz ed and warned the nation of the dangers attending those ruinous measures which it was pursuing; and of the fatal precipice that must terminate that mad career, in which they were blindly and desperately driven.

They said, that by various arts, by successfully playing with their passions, through the false ideas of domination and interest, which were held out to allure and deceive them, together with the infinite numbers who were interested in the continuance of our public calamities, and the unbounded influence of the crown, which of late pervaded almost every recess; the people, who in the beginning were rather disinclined to these measures, instead of benefiting by counsel, or taking heed by warning, had unhappily, in a very great degree, adopted the opinions and prejudices intended by those who were interested in their delusion. That now, every measure proposed, and every violence declared against America, is considered, as a matter of course, to be in favonr and support of Great Britain, whilst every attempt at curing or allaying our unhappy civil ferment, is stigmatized as the offspring of faction, and as a traiterous dereliction of the rights and autho rity of the parent state. That good and bad success are equally urged and admitted, as motives

[D]

for