MONDAY, April 21, 1783.

On a report from the agent of marine, to whom was referred a memorial of John Thompson:

Resolved, That all accounts of persons in the marine department for pay, depreciation or arrearages, be adjusted by the commissioner for settling the accounts of the marine department.

A letter, of this day, from the superintendent of finance, was read, enclosing a copy of a letter of the 20th, from the minister of France, requesting the loan of the ship Duc de Lauzun, for the purpose of carrying home the French troops now in this country; whereupon,

Ordered, That the said letters be referred back to the superintendent of finance, and that he take order for complying with the request of the honorable the minister of France.

On the report of a committee, consisting of Mr. Bland, Mr. Fitzsimmons and Mr. Higginson, to whom was referred a letter of the 11th, from the superintendent of finance:

Resolved, That the superintendent of finance, take order for the sale of the ship Duc de Lauzun, after the service for which she is lent to the minister of France is performed.

On the request of colonel M. Ogden, of the New-Jersey line, accompanied with the approbation of the commander in chief:

Resolved, That colonel M. Ogden, of the New-Jersey line, have leave to go to Europe.

TUESDAY, April 22, 1783.

On the report of a committee, consisting of Mr. Carroll, Mr. Williamson and Mr. Holten, to whom was referred a letter of the 15th, from Thomas Edison:

Resolved, That the superintendent of finance take order for the discharge of the balance, if any, of the 500 dollars ordered to Thomas Edison on the 3d of September, 1782, including what he has received since the 23d day of April,

1782.

On the report of a committee, consisting of Mr. Ellsworth, Mr. Williamson and Mr. Clark, to whom was referred a letter of the 22d of June, 1781, from Dr. George Gilmer:

Resolved, That the account of Dr. Gilmer for pay and rations, be settled on the same principles as the accounts of other hospital-surgeons of the same rank, according to the time he shall appear to have been employed in the public service; and that the purveyor-general return to Dr. Gilmer a quantity of medicine equal to what he expended out of his private stores, for the use of the continental hospital under his care.

On motion of Mr. Hamilton, seconded by Mr. Williamson,

Ordered, That the secretary lay before Congress on every Monday, a list of all the committees which have been appointed at any time before the preceding week, and have not reported; and that such committees be then called on to state the reasons why they have not reported.

Congress resumed the consideration of the report of the committee, on the letter from Mr. Pollock :

And on the question, for allowing him a salary of 2000 dollars per annum, as continental agent for five years, the yeas and nays being required by Mr. Ellsworth,

N-Hampshire, Mr. White,

Massachusetts, Mr. Osgood,

no >*

по

Connecticut,
New-York,

Mr. Ellsworth,
Mr. Floyd,

Gorham,

Hamilton,

Mr. Boudinot,

Rhode Island, Mr. Collins,

no

Condict,

no

Arnold,

no

no >

ay

ay Zay

ay

no

} div.

So the question was lost.

Ordered, That the farther consideration of the report be postponed.

WEDNESDAY, April 23, 1783.

On the report of a committee, consisting of Mr. Osgood, Mr. Wilson, Mr. Madison, Mr. Carroll, and Mr. Williamson, to whom was referred a memorial of brigadier-general Hazen, in behalf of himself, officers and others, Canadian refugees:

Resolved, That the memorialist be informed, that Congress retain a lively sense of the services the Canadian officers and men have rendered the United States, and that they are seriously disposed to reward them for their virtuous sufferings in the cause of liberty:

That they be farther informed, that whenever Congress can consistently make grants of land, they will reward in this way, as far as may be consistent, the officers, men and others, refugees from Canada.

That so much of the memorial as relates to the payment of interest on the certificates of the officers and men, be referred to the superintendent of finance, to take order.

On the report of a committee, consisting of Mr. Osgood, Mr. Bland, Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Madison, and Mr. Peters, to whom was referred a letter of the 18th, from the commander in chief:

Resolved, That in the opinion of Congress, the time of the men engaged to serve during the war, does not expire until the ratification of the definitive treaty of peace :

That such of the non-commissioned officers and private soldiers of the above description, as continue in service to that period, shall be allowed their fire arms and accoutrements, as an extra reward for their long and faithful services:

That Congress, nevertheless, leave it to the discretion of the commander in chief, if circumstances shall require it, to grant furloughs or discharges to those men, as he may judge most expedient.

Ordered, That the remainder of the report be-recommitted.

THURSDAY, April 24, 1783.

A memorial of Ignace Penet, late a lieutenant in colonel Armand's corps, and a report from the secretary at war thereon, being read:

On motion of Mr. Osgood, seconded by Mr. Hamilton,

Ordered, That the memorial be referred to the superintendent of finance, and that it be left to his discretion to act therein as he may conceive most proper.

The secretary for foreign affairs, having communicated to Congress a letter of the 14th of April to him from sir Guy Carleton :

Ordered, That the said letter from sir Guy Carleton, be referred to the commander in chief, and that he take such measures for carrying into effect the several matters therein mentioned, as to him shall seem expedient. On motion of Mr. Gervais, seconded by Mr. Williamson,

Ordered, That the memorial of lieutenant Liston, praying for 200 dollars, on account of pay due to him, that he may be enabled to return to South-Caro

VOL. IV.

25

lina, be referred to the superintendent of finance, and that it be left to his discretion to act therein as he may conceive most proper.

On the report of a committee, consisting of Mr. Fitzsimmons, Mr. Ellsworth, and Mr. Hamilton, to whom was referred a motion of Mr. Hamilton relative to the southern army:

Resolved, That the secretary at war and the superintendent of finance, take .mmediate measures for removing the lines of Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania, together with the corps of artillery and cavalry now under the command of major-general Greene, to such places within their respective states as they shall think proper.

On the question to agree to the above resolution, the yeas and nays being required by Mr. Rutledge,

The committee consisting of Mr. Madison, Mr. Ellsworth and Mr. Hamilton, appointed to prepare an address to the states, to accompany the act of the 18th of this month, reported a draught, which being read and amended, was agreed to as follows:

Address to the States, by the United States in Congress assembled.

The prospect which has for some time existed, and which is now happily realized, of a successful termination of the war, together with the critical exigencies of public affairs, have made it the duty of Congress to review and provide for the debts which the war has left upon the United States, and to look forward to the means of obviating dangers which may interrupt the harmony and tranquillity of the confederacy. The result of their mature and solemn deliberations on these great objects, is contained in their several recommendations of the 18th instant herewith transmitted. Although these recommendations speak themselves the principles on which they are founded, as well as the ends which they propose, it will not be improper to enter into a few explanations and remarks, in order to place in a stronger view the necessity of complying with them.

The first measure recommended is, effectual provision for the debts of the United States. The amount of these debts, as far as they can now be ascertained, is 42,000,375 dollars, as will appear by the schedule No. 1. To discharge the principal of this aggregate debt at once, or in any short period, is evidently not within the compass of our resources; and even if it could be accomplished, the ease of the community would require that the debt itself should be left to a course of gradual extinguishment, and certain funds be provided for paying, in the mean time, the annual interest. The amount of the annual interest, as will appear by the paper last referred to, is computed to be 2,415,956 dollars. Funds, therefore, which will certainly and punctually produce this annual sum at least, must be provided.

In devising these funds, Congress did not overlook the mode of supplying the common treasury, provided by the articles of confederation; but after the most respectful consideration of that mode, they were constrained to regard it as inadequate and inapplicable to the form into which the public debt must be thrown. The delays and uncertainties incident to a revenue to be established and collected, from time to time, by thirteen independent authorities, is at first view irreconcileable with the punctuality essential in the discharge of the interest of a national debt. Our own experience, after making every allowance for transient impediments, has been a sufficient illustration of this truth. Some departure, therefore, in the recommendations of Congress, from the federal constitution, was unavoidable; but it will be found to be as small as could be reconciled with the object in view, and to be supported besides by solid considerations of interest and sound policy.

The fund which first presented itself on this, as it did on a former occasion, was a tax on imports. The reasons which recommended this branch of revenue, have heretofore been

stated in an act, of which a copy, No. 2, is now forwarded, and need not be here repeated It will suffice to recapitulate, that taxes on consumption are always least burthensome, be cause they are least felt, and are borne too, by those who are both willing and able to pay them; that, of all taxes on consumption, those on foreign commerce are most compatible with the genius and policy of free states; that from the relative positions of some of the more commercial states, it will be impossible to bring this essential resource into use without a concerted uniformity; that this uniformity cannot be concerted through any channel so properly as through Congress, nor for any purpose so aptly as for paying the debts of a revolution, from which an unbounded freedom has accrued to commerce.

In renewing this proposition to the states, we have not been unmindful of the objections which heretofore frustrated the unanimous adoption of it. We have limited the duration of the revenue to the term of 25 years; and we have left to the states themselves the appointment of the officers who are to collect it. If the strict maxims of national credit alone were to be consulted, the revenue ought manifestly to be co-existent with the object of it, and the collection placed in every respect under that authority which is to dispense the former, and is responsible for the latter. These relaxations will, we trust, be regarded on one hand, as the effect of a disposition in Congress to attend at all times to the sentiments of those whom they serve, and on the other hand, as a proof of their anxious desire that provision may be made in some way or other for an honorable and just fulfilment of the engagements which they have formed.

To render this fund as productive as possible, and at the same time to narrow the room for collusions and frauds, it has been judged an improvement of the plan, to recommend a liberal duty on such articles as are most susceptible of a tax according to their quantity, and are of most equal and general consumption; leaving all other articles, as heretofore proposed, to be taxed according to their value.

The amount of this fund is computed to be 915,956 dollars. The estimates on which the computation is made, are detailed in paper No. 3. Accuracy in the first essay on so complex and fluctuating a subject is not to be expected. It is presumed to be as near the truth as the defect of proper materials would admit.

The residue of the computed interest is 1,500,000 dollars, and is referred to the states to be provided for by such funds as they may judge most convenient. Here again the strict maxims of public credit gave way to the desire of Congress to conform to the sentiments of their constituents. It ought not to be omitted, however, with respect to this portion of the revenue, that the mode in which it is to be supplied, varies so little from that pointed out in the articles of confederation, and the variations are so conducive to the great object proposed, that a ready and unqualified compliance on the part of the states may be more justly expected. In fixing the quotas of this sum, Congress, as may be well imagined, were guided by very imperfect lights, and some inequalities may consequently have ensued. These, however, can be but temporary, and as far as they may exist at all, will be redressed by a retrospective adjustment, as soon as a constitutional rule can be applied.

The necessity of making the two foregoing provisions one indivisible and irrevocable act, is apparent. Without the first quality, partial provision only might be made where complete provision is essential; nay, as some states might prefer and adopt one of the funds only, and the other states the other fund only, it might happen that no provision at all would be made: without the second a single state out of the thirteen might at any time involve the nation in bankruptcy, the mere practicability of which would be a fatal bar to the establishment of national credit. Instead of enlarging on these topics, two observations are submitted to the justice and wisdom of the legislatures. First: The present creditors, or rather the domestic part of them, having either made their loans for a period which has expired, or having become creditors in the first instance involuntarily, are entitled on the clear principles of justice and good faith, to demand the principal of their credits, instead of accepting the annual interest. It is necessary therefore, as the principal cannot be paid to them on demand, that the interest should be so effectually and satisfactorily.secured, as to enable them, if they incline, to trans. fer their stock at its full value. Secondly; if the funds be so firmly constituted as to inspire a thorough and universal confidence, may it not be hoped, that the capital of the domestic debt, which bears the high interest of six per cent. may be cancelled by other loans obtained at a more moderate interest? The saving by such an operation, would be a clear one, and might be a considerable one. As a proof of the necessity of substantial funds for the support of our credit abroad, we refer to paper No. 4.

Thus much for the interest of the national debt: for the discharge of the principal within the term limited, we rely on the natural increase of the revenue from commerce, on requisitions to be made, from time to time, for that purpose, as circumstances may dictate, and on the prospect of vacant territory. If these resources should prove inadequate, it will be neces sary, at the expiration of 25 years, to continue the funds now recommended, or to establish such others as may then be found more convenient.

With a view to the resource last mentioned, as well as to obviate disagreeable controversies and confusions, Congress have included in their present recommendations, a renewal of those of the 6th day of September, and of the 10th day of October, 1780. In both those respects, a

liberal and final accommodation of all interfering claims of vacant territory, is an object which cannot be pressed with too much solicitude.

The last object recommended is, a constitutional change of the rule by which a partition of the common burthens is to be made. The expediency, and even necessity of such a change, has been sufficiently enforced by the local injustice and discontents which have proceeded from valuations of the soil in every state where the experiment has been made. But how infinitely must these evils be increased, on a comparison of such valuations among the states themselves! On whatever side indeed this rule be surveyed, the execution of it must be attended with the most serious difficulties. If the valuations be referred to the authorities of the several states, a general satisfaction is not to be hoped for: If they be executed by officers of the United States traversing the country for that purpose, besides the inequalities against which this mode would be no security, the expense would be both enormous and obnoxious: If the mode taken in the act of the 17th day of February last, which was deemed on the whole least objectionable, be adhered to, still the insufficiency of the data to the purpose to which they are to be applied, must greatly impair, if not utterly destroy all confidence in the accuracy of the result; not to mention that as far as the result can be at all a just one, it will be indebted for the advantage to the principle on which the rule proposed to be substituted is founded. This rule, although not free from objections, is liable to fewer than any other that could be devised. The only material difficulty which attended it in the deliberations of Congress, was to fix the proper difference between the labour and industry of free inhabitants, and of all other inhabitants. The ratio ultimately agreed on was the effect of mutual concessions; and if it should be supposed not to correspond precisely with the fact, no doubt ought to be entertained that an equal spirit of accommodation among the several legislatures, will prevail against little inequalities which may be calculated on one side or on the other. But notwithstanding the confidence of Congress, as to the success of this proposition, it is their duty to recollect that the event may possibly disappoint them, and to request that measures may still be pursued for obtaining and transmitting the information called for in the act of the 17th of February last, which in such event will be essential.

The plan thus communicated and explained by Congress, must now receive its fate from their constituents. All the objects comprised in it are conceived to be of great importance to the happiness of this confederated republic, are necessary to render the fruits of the revolution a full reward for the blood, the toils, the cares and the calamities which have purchased it. But the object of which the necessity will be peculiarly felt, and which it is peculiarly the duty of Congress to inculcate, is the provision recommended for the national debt. Although this debt is greater than could have been wished, it is still less on the whole than could have been expected, and when referred to the cause in which it has been incurred, and compared with the burdens which wars of ambition and of vain glory have entailed on other nations, ought to be borne not only with cheerfulness but with pride. But the magnitude of the debt makes no part of the question. It is sufficient that the debt has been fairly contracted and that justice and good faith demand that it should be fully discharged. Congress had no option but between different modes of discharging it. The same option is the only one that can exist with the states. The mode which has, after long and elaborate discussion, been preferred, is, we are persuaded, the least objectionable of any that would have been equal to the purpose. Under this persuasion, we call upon the justice and plighted faith of the several states to give it its proper effect, to reflect on the consequences of rejecting it, and to remember that Congress will not be answerable for them.

If other motives than that of justice could be requisite on this occasion, no nation could ever feel stronger; for to whom are the debts to be paid?

TO AN ALLY, in the first place, who to the exertion of his arms in support of our cause, has added the succours of his treasure; who, to his important loans, has added liberal donations; and whose loans themselves carry the impression of his magnanimity and friendship. For more exact information on this point we refer to paper No. 5.

To individuals in a foreign country, in the next place, who were the first to give so precious a token of their confidence in our justice, and of their friendship for our cause, and who are members of a republic which was second in espousing our rank ainong nations. For the claims and expectations of this class of creditors we refer to paper No. 6.

Another class of creditors is, that illustrious and patriotic band of fellow-citizens, whose blood and whose bravery have defended the liberties of their country, who have patiently borne, among other distresses, the privation of their stipends, whilst the distresses of their country disabled it from bestowing them; and who, even now, ask for no more than such a portion of their dues as will enable them to retire from the field of victory and glory, into the bosom of peace and private citizenship, and for such effectual security for the residue of their claims as their country is now unquestionably able to provide. For a full view of their sentiments and wishes on this subject, we transmit the paper No. 7; and as a fresh and lively instance of their superiority to every species of seduction from the paths of virtue and honor, we add the paper No. 8.

The remaining class of creditors is composed partly of such of our fellow-citizens as originally lent to the public the use of their funds, or have since manifested most confidence in