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detest the principles of such men: they have too much understanding and wisdom to trust to that cunning, to those narrow policies, from which such overtures proceed. Terms from such men they would receive as snares to allure and betray; as ropes, to be put about their legs, to entangle and overthrow them.

11. Ministers have been in error; experience has proved it; and what is worse, in that error they persist. They told you in the beginning that fifteen thousand men would traverse America, with scarcely an attempt at interruption. Two campaigns have passed since they gave us this assurance; treble the number of men they named as sufficient have been employed; and one of your armies (which composed two thirds of the force by which America was to be subdued) has been totally routed, and is now led captive through those provinces you call rebellious!

12. And the men you called cowards, poltroons, runaways, and knaves are become victorious over your veteran troops! And, in the midst of victory, and in the flush of conquest, these men have set Ministers an example of moderation and magnanimity. Yes, my Lords, to the very troops, sent out to execute the diabolical orders for the employment of savages, the Americans have granted terms of capitulation due only to the makers of fair and honorable war. Such is American progress in civilization. And let me tell you, the day is not far distant when America will vie with these kingdoms, not only in arms, but in arts.

13. My Lords, I should not have presumed to trouble you, if the tremendous state of this nation did not, in my opinion, make it incumbent on me to speak. Such as I have described that state, I do maintain it to be. The same ruinous measures that have brought us to it are still persisted in; and because your Lordships have been deluded, deceived, and misled, Ministers presume that, whenever the worst comes, they will be enabled to

shelter themselves behind Parliament. This, my Lords, cannot be they have committed themselves and their measures to the fate of war, and they must abide the issue.

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XI. — RING OUT, WILD BELLS.

TENNYSON.

For TRUE, see § 14; KIND, SKY, § 21. DYING, FLYING, GOING; of s in ACROSS.

Give the pure sound of ng in See TENNYSON in Index.

Delivery. The tone should be a pure orotund, animated and expressive, with imitative modulation, mostly in the middle pitch. The falling inflection should be used at nearly all the grammatical pauses, and at the end of nearly every line. In the last, there should be a reverential pause after in.

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Ring out the grief that saps the mind,
For those that here we see no more;
Ring out the feud of rich and poor,
Ring in redress to all mankind.

IV.

Ring out a slowly dying cause,

And ancient forms of party strife;
Ring in the nobler modes of life,

With sweeter manners, purer laws.

V.

Ring out the want, the care, the sin,
The faithless coldness of the times;

Ring out, ring out, my mournful rhymes,
But ring the fuller minstrel in.

VI.

Ring out false pride in place and blood,
The civic slander and the spite;

Ring in the love of truth and right,
Ring in the common love of good.

VII.

Ring out old shapes of foul disease,

Ring out the narrowing lust of gold;
Ring out the thousand wars of old,
Ring in the thousand years of peace.

VIII.

Ring in the valiant man and free,

The larger heart, the kindlier hand;
Ring out the darkness of the land, -
Ring in the Christ that is to be.

XII.

NO PEACE WITHOUT UNION.

CHANNING.

Drop the sound of the unaccented vowel in BROKEN, EVEN, EVIL, LESSON, OPEN, WRITTEN. For EXPERIENCE (-pere'-), SECURITY (-kure'-), see § 11; IMAGINARY, STATIONARY, § 29; CURSE, WORST, § 16; GOVERNMENT, LIBERTY, 7; DISSOLVE, § 17; ACTUATE, INDIVIDUAL, INSTITUTION, NEWS, PERPETUAL, § 23. Pronounce TOWARD, to'ard; TREMENDOUS, tre-men'dus (not tre-mendu-us nor tre-men'jus).

See in Index, DEFENSE or DEFENCE, EXAGGERATE, FEDERAL, UNION, CHANNING.

Delivery. This should be in the deliberate manner appropriate to the purely didactic style; with pure quality, middle pitch, moderate force, medium time, and short pauses.

1. OUR present topic is the importance of the Union. No lesson should be written more indelibly on the

hearts of American citizens. Of all governments we may say, that the good which they promote is chiefly negative, and this is especially true of the federal institutions which bind these States together. Their highest function is, to avert evil. Nor let their efficiency on this account be disparaged.

2. The highest political good, liberty, is negative. It is the removal of obstructions, it is security from wrong. It confers no positive happiness, but opens a field in which the individual may achieve his happiness by his own unfettered powers. The great good of the Union we may express almost in a word: It preserves us from wasting and destroying one another.

3. It preserves relations of peace among communities, which, if broken into separate nations, would be arrayed against one another in perpetual, merciless, and ruinous war. It indeed contributes to our defense against foreign states, but still more it defends us from one another. This we apprehend to be the chief boon of the Union, and its importance we apprehend is not sufficiently felt. So highly do we estimate it, that we ask nothing of the General Government, but to hold us together, to establish among the different States relations of friendship and peace.

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4. The importance of this benefit is easy to be understood by considering the sure and tremendous miseries which would follow disunion. For ourselves, we fear, that, bloody and mournful as human history now is, a sadder page than has yet been written might record the sufferings of this country, should we divide ourselves into separate communities. These would cherish toward one another singularly fierce and implacable enmities. We do not refer to the angry and vindictive feelings which would grow out of the struggles implied in a separation. There are other and more permanent causes of hatred and hostility.

5. One cause, we think, would be found in the singu

larly active, bold, enterprising spirit which actuates this whole country. A neighborhood of restless, daring, allgrasping communities would contain within itself the seeds of perpetual hostility. Our feverish activity would break out in endless competitions and jealousies. The same great objects would be grasped at by all.

6. Add to this, that the necessity of preserving some balance of power would lead each republic to watch the other with a suspicious eye; and this balance could not be maintained, in these young and growing com munities, as easily as in the old and stationary ones of Europe. Among nations such as we should form, which would only have begun to develop their resources, the political equilibrium would be perpetually disturbed.

7. Under such influences an irritable and almost justifiable sensitiveness to one another's progress would fester into unrelenting hatred. Our neighbor's good would become to us a curse. To obstruct one another's growth would be deemed the perfection of policy. Slight collisions of interest would be exaggerated into unpardonable wrongs; and unprincipled statesmen would find little difficulty in swelling imaginary griev ances into causes of war.

8. We proceed to the second, and a very important consideration. Our possession of a common language, which is now an unspeakable good, would, in case of disunion, prove as great a calamity; for it would serve above all things, to multiply jealousies and exasperate bad passions.

9. In Europe, different nations, having each its own language, and comparatively small communication, can act but little on each other. Each expresses its own self-esteem and its scorn of other communities in writings which seldom pass its own bounds, and which minister to its own vanity and prejudices without inflaming other states.

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