theirs. In July, 1791, he writes to Washington from London, as follows:

"After the establishment of the American Revolution, it did not appear to me that any object could arise, great enough to engage me a second time. I began to feel myself happy in being quiet. But I now experience that principle is not confined to time or place, and that the ardor of Seventy-six is capable of renewing itself. I have another work in hand, which I intend shall be my last; for I long much to return to America.

"It is not natural that fame should wish for a rival. But the case is otherwise with me; for I do most sincerely wish there was some person in this country that could usefully and successfully attract the public attention, and leave me with a satisfied mind to the enjoyment of quiet life. But it is painful to see errors and abuses, and sit down a senseless spectator. Of this your own mind will interpret mine.” Vol. iv. p. 381.

Paine had just then dedicated to Washington his "Rights of Man." Soon after, being imprisoned by the French" Committee of Safety," he took umbrage at Washington's alleged want of interest in obtaining his release, and forgot a little the professions and resolutions of the better days when he wrote thus:

"I have been out nowhere for near these two months. The part I have taken in an affair, that is yet depending, rendered it most prudent in me to absent myself from company, lest I should be asked questions improper to be answered, or subject myself to conversation that might have been unpleasant. That there has been foul play somewhere, is clear to every one; and where it lies, will, I believe, soon

come out.

"Having thus explained myself, I have to add my sincerest wishes for your happiness in every line of life, and to assure you that, as far as my abilities extend, I shall never suffer a hint of dishonor or even a deficiency of respect to you to pass unnoticed. I have always acted that part, and am confident that your virtues and conduct will ever require it from me as a duty, as well as render it a pleasure." Vol. ii. p. 251.

Down to the day we live in, Congress is not entirely composed of thoroughly unselfish and enlightened patriots, and methodical and diligent men of business. It was not always

so composed in the days of the Revolution. Mr. Hosmer, a delegate from Connecticut, writes to the Governor of that State as follows, in August, 1778.

"I wish I could with truth assure your Excellency that, in my view, our affairs are in a happy train, and that Congress has adopted wise and effectual measures to restore our wounded public credit, and to establish the United States, their liberty, union, and happiness, upon a solid and permanent foundation. I dare not do it, while my heart is overwhelmed with the most melancholy presages. The idleness and captiousness of some gentlemen, maugre the wishes and endeavors of an honest and industrious majority, in my apprehension, threaten the worst consequences. The Southern States are fixed against holding Congress more than once a day. Our hours are fixed from nine in the forenoon to two in the afternoon. If these were punctually attended, it would be, perhaps, as much as could be spared from Committees, and other business which must be done out of Congress hours. Nine States make a Congress. Some States have Delegates so very negligent, so much immersed in the pursuit of pleasure or business, that it is very rare we can make a Congress before near eleven o'clock; and this evil seems incapable of a remedy, as Congress has no means to compel gentlemen's attendance, and those who occasionally delay are callous to admonition and reproof, which have been often tried in vain.

"When we are assembled, several gentlemen have such a knack of starting questions of order, raising debates upon critical, captious, and trifling amendments, protracting them by long speeches, by postponing, calling for the previous question, and other arts, that it is almost impossible to get an important question decided at one sitting, and if it is put over to another day, the field is open to be gone over again, precious time is lost, and the public business left undone. I am sorry to add, that the opposition between States, the old prejudices of north against south, and south against north, seem to be reviving, and are industriously heightened by some who, I fear, would be but too well pleased to see our Union blasted, and our independence broken and destroyed." Vol. ii. pp. 197, 198.

The letters from the Virginia statesmen, Henry, Jefferson, the Lees, the Randolphs, Madison, Harrison, Mason, Bland, have a peculiar interest, on account of their community of local associations, and the genius of the place being the same to them and to their great correspondent. Hamilton's letters, as far as the subjects allow a comparison in that particular, are 9

VOL. LXXVII. NO. 160.

equally noticeable for the absence of any local element. The nationality of Hamilton's views is apparent from the first. To him New York was no more nor nearer than Virginia, or Georgia, or Rhode Island. Hamilton comes upon the scene full-grown, in his mission to the north in November, 1777, to make Gates and Putnam obey their orders. His conduct, as detailed in his series of letters at that time, evinces amazing energy, capacity, and self-control, in a lad of twenty. How to deal with the conqueror of Saratoga, in the flush of his new-blown bays, would have been a problem for Talleyrand. That a hot aide-de-camp, scarcely out of his teens, should have made any thing of it, or that he should not even defeat his errand by bluster and fret, was almost too much to expect. But there was an old and cool head on those young shoulders. In November, 1777, he writes thus to Washington, from Albany.

"DEAR SIR,

"I arrived here yesterday, at noon, and waited upon General Gates immediately, on the business of my mission; but was sorry to find his ideas did not correspond with yours for drawing off the number of troops you directed. I used every argument in my power to convince him of the propriety of the measure; but he was inflexible in the opinion, that two brigades, at least, of Continental troops should remain in and near this place. His reasons were, that the intelligence of Sir Henry Clinton's having gone to join Burgoyne was not sufficiently authenticated to put it out of doubt; that there was, therefore, a possibility of his returning up the river, which might expose the finest arsenal in America (as he calls the one here) to destruction, should this place be left so bare of troops as I proposed; and that the want of conveniences, and the difficulty of the roads, would make it impossible to remove the artillery and stores here for a considerable time; that the New England States would be left open to the depredations and ravages of the enemy; that it would put it out of his power to enterprise any thing against Ticonderoga, which, he thinks, might be done in the winter, and which he considers it of importance to undertake.

"The force of the reasons did by no means strike me, and I did every thing in my power to show they were unsubstantial; but all I could effect, was to have one brigade despatched in addition to those already marched. I found myself infinitely embarrassed, and was at a loss how to act. I felt the importance of strengthening you as much

as possible; but, on the other hand, I found insuperable inconveniences in acting diametrically opposite to the opinion of a gentleman, whose successes have raised him into the highest importance. General Gates has won the entire confidence of the Eastern States. If disposed to do it, by addressing himself to the prejudices of the people, he would find no difficulty to render a measure odious, which, it might be said with plausibility enough to be believed, was calculated to expose them to unnecessary danger, notwithstanding their exertions during the campaign had given them the fullest title to repose and security. General Gates has influence and interest elsewhere; he might use it, if he pleased, to discredit the measure there also. On the whole, it appeared to me dangerous to insist on sending more troops from hence, while General Gates appeared so warmly opposed to it. Should any accident or inconvenience happen in consequence of it, there would be too fair a pretext for censure; and many people are too well disposed to lay hold of it. At any rate, it might be considered as using him ill, to take a step so contrary to his judgment, in a case of this nature.

"These considerations, and others which I shall be more explicit in, when I have the pleasure of seeing you, determined me," &c. Vol. ii. pp. 26-28.

With Putnam, he did not feel compelled by the same reasons of prudence to use so much ceremony.

"SIR,

"Head-Quarters, New Windsor, 9 November, 1777.

"I cannot forbear confessing, that I am astonished and alarmed beyond measure, to find that all his Excellency's views have been hitherto frustrated, and that no single step of those I mentioned to you has been taken to afford him the aid he absolutely stands in need of, and by delaying which, the cause of America is put to the utmost conceiv

able hazard.

"I so fully explained to you the General's situation, that I could not entertain a doubt you would make it the first object of your attention to reënforce him with that speed the exigency of affairs demanded; but, I am sorry to say, he will have too much reason to think other objects, in comparison with that insignificant, have been uppermost. I speak freely and emphatically, because I tremble at the consequences of the delay that has happened. General Clinton's reënforcement is probably by this time with Mr. Howe. This will give him a decisive superiority over our army. What may be the issue of such a state of things, I leave to the feelings of every friend to his country, capable of foreseeing consequences. My expressions may perhaps have more

warmth than is altogether proper; but they proceed from the overflowing of my heart, in a matter where I conceive this Continent essentially interested. I wrote to you from Albany, and desired you would send a thousand Continental troops of those first proposed to be left with you. This, I understand, has not been done. How the noncompliance can be answered to General Washington, you can best determine.

"I now, Sir, in the most explicit terms, by his Excellency's authority, give it as a positive order from him, that all the Continental troops under your command may be immediately marched to King's Ferry, there to cross the river, and hasten to reënforce the army under him.

"The Massachusetts militia are to be detained instead of them, until the troops coming from the northward arrive. When they do, they will replace, as far as I am instructed, the troops you shall send away in consequence of this requisition. The General's idea of keeping troops this way does not extend farther than covering the country from any little irruptions of small parties, and carrying on the works necessary for the security of the river. As to attacking New York, that he thinks ought to be out of the question at present. If men could be spared from the other really necessary objects, he would have no objections to attempting a diversion by way of New York, but nothing further." Vol. ii. pp. 549, 550.

Poor, generous "Old Put!" Almost the only strokes of pathos in the volumes, due to private sorrows, are from his rude hand. And they are so touching, because they are so unconscious. October 16, 1777, he writes to Washington a full letter relating to the loss of Fort Montgomery, the surrender of Burgoyne, and his own subsequent dispositions, and concludes as follows, crushing the great grief of his stout heart into a period.

"The enemy's loss, by the last accounts I have been able to get, is very considerable; not less than a thousand. The two Continental frigates, and the row-galley which lay above Fort Montgomery, were burnt, to prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy, for which I am very sorry, as one, I believe, might have been saved.

"I have the unhappiness to inform you, that Mrs. Putnam, after a long and tedious illness, departed this life last Tuesday night. With the highest esteem and respect, I am, dear Sir,

"Your most obedient, humble servant." Vol. ii. p. 6.

In December, 1779, while on a visit to his family in Con