thereby suffered. By the dissolution in the middle of a session, all the parties who had, under the faith of Parliament, brought in their private bills, agreeable to the limited time and forms of Parliament, were now either to be defrauded, or, by some project, new in the contempla, tion of ministers, the rules and forms of Parliament, so essential to justice, were to be superseded, and the practice overturned, in order to cover the manifest misconduct of ministers in the act of the dissolution. He knew not how the noble and learned lord on the woolsack, who was peculiarly responsible for the maintenance of the rules and practice of Parliament, could answer for the departure from all those forms by which the rights of the subject were hedged in, and the honour and faith of Parliament preserved; if, by some new-fangled process, parties were to be forced to acquiesce in summary decisions without evidence, without being heard, and without deliberation. In what point of view would the noble and learned lord's character stand with posterity, if he made this sacrifice of the justice of Parliament, and of all regular forms, in order to secure his colleagues from the rash measure of the dissolution? But the public arguments against the mea sure were even more strong. The revenue of customs in Ireland could not be legally collected after the 5th of July next. The acts which authorised them expired on that day; and it was impossible before that day to re-enact them. We must either suffer the loss of that essential part of the revenue for a time, or collect it without lawful authority so to do, or pass an act with a retrospective tendency, taxing the subject by an ex post facto law. To such extremities did the rash and violent measure of the dissolution reduce us. Nay, that was not all; notwithstanding that the intercourse between this country and the United States of America hung on a balance, nay, that the statute authorising the intercourse actually expired on the first of June last, Parliament had been dissolved with out any step being taken to regulate that intercourse; and what was worse, duties had continued to be collected on articles imported from America into British ports, ever since the month of June, without any law, and thus ministers had been raising money by their own authority, and establishing a precedent of violation of all law, unprecedented in the worst periods of our history. It was not the magnitude of the imposition on Mr. Hampden

that

that made him resist the illegality, it was the principle. And here the noble lord said, it was not the short period of a month in which duties had been collected on ar ticles which amounted to a large sum that made any dif ference; for, if ministers had a precedent that they could collect duties without law for a month, they might for six months, or for any period of time. The noble lord made various illustrations of the danger of the precedent. Nor was the enormity of the act worse than the enormity of the pretences upon which it was founded. The cry of "no popery" had been charged upon them. As yet he knew not whether they meant to avow or deny the use of that cry but if they denied that they had resorted to it, be should put a question to the lord steward of Oxford University (Lord Chancellor) respecting a letter he had written to the Chancellor of that University respecting his interference; to the Chancellor of the Exchequer respect ing his address to his constituents in the town of Northampton; and to the Secretary of State for the home department, respecting his conduct in publishing in the Gazette a pretended address from the university of Dublin, after it had been four times rejected by that learned and liberal body Lord Grenville was particularly pointed in this part of his animadversions; and he was equally impressive in stating the various great public discussions, which had been interrupted by the dissolution, particu larly the bill for correcting the acknowledged hardships in the Scots Judicature, upon which he pledged himself that two days should not elapse without his again bringing on the bill. He concluded with a strong reprobation of the acrimonious manner in which the expeditions to Turkey and Egypt were mentioned in the speech, and the insidious appeal to concord, after such violent and inflammatory provocations to hostility. He declared that he was ready and eager that those expeditions should be forthwith made the subject of enquiry.

The Lord Chancellor replied. He desired only to have the propositions which he should make for the relief of parties fairly examined. He was not disposed to encroach ments on the rules and practice of Parliament. He explained the letter he had written as Lord Steward of Oxford, and avowed that he thought it his duty to say, that the concessions to the Catholics were dangerous, from the length to which they might have been carried.

The

The Earl of Lauderdale put the measure of the dissolu tion, under all the circumstances, in a conspicuous point of view.

Lord Hawkesbury concluded the debate in a warm and vehement speech, in which he justified the conduct of his colleagues.

At half after two o'clock the House divided on the amendment,

The main question on the address was then put, and carried in the affirmative.

On the motion of Lord Grenville, it was ordered that their lordships be summoned for Monday next, when he purposes submitting to their consideration two motions relative to judicial proceedings in Scotland.

Adjourned at three o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

FRIDAY, JUNE 26.

Soon after one o'clock the Speaker took the chair, when the administration of the oaths was proceeded with. About three o'clock the usher of the black rod, in the name of the Lords, authorised by virtue of his majesty's commission, desired the attendance of that honourable House in the House of Peers. Accordingly the Speaker, and all the members present, immediately attended. On their return a number of other members were sworn. At four o'clock the clandestine outlawry bill was read a first time, pro formá, and ordered to be read a second time."

On the motion of Mr. Rose, the grand committers of religion, of courts of justice, of trade, &c. and the commitmittee of privileges, were appointed.

The standing orders of the House were read and agreed to.

ADDRESS ON THE SPEECH.

The Speaker then acquainted the House, that that House had been in the House of Peers, where the Lords, authorised by his majesty's commission, had delivered a speech to

both

both Houses of Parliament, of which, to prevent mistakes, he had obtained a copy. The speech having been read,

Viscount Newark rose and said-Mr Speaker: In rising to move an address of thanks to his majesty, for his most gracious speech from the throne, I cannot but feel a considerable degree of solicitude and embarassment, from the apprehension of my not being able to acquit myself as I ought, in the arduous task I have undertaken. Conscious as I am, that I have but little pretensions to warrant me in such an act of presumption, as that of troubling this House with my sentiments, I feel more peculiarly the force of this difficulty, when I have to address you on a question, which may probably occasion à very important and interesting discussion. This consideration, Sir, would have prompted me to decline the honour I now have of presenting myself to your notice, had I not been encouraged by the indulgence uniformly shewn by this House to every gentleman who has offered himself under my circumstances; by the indulgence, which indeed I myself have more than once experienced, and which I shall ever most grate fully feel and acknowledge. With this impression on my mind, I shall not, sir, presume to trespass long on the patience of the House, while I beg leave to call its attention to the leading points of his majesty's most gracious speech, and to request its concurrence in the address of thanks I shall have the honour to move. It is unnecessary for me, Sir, to enter at any length into the circumstances which led to the dissolution of the last Parliament, as those circumstances have repeatedly been discussed in this House, and are now become the subject of public notoriety. I am the more disposed to avoid any such discussion, as it must ne cessarily involve points on which, I am aware, there is a great difference of opinion. His Majesty has, in his wisdom, thought it expedient to avail himself of the only constitutional mode of collecting the sense of his people, by dissolving the late Parliament, and by calling that which is now convened. By this measure, this House is now bccome the organ of expressing the public opinion; and I trust we shall, if not by our unanimous vote this night, at least by a considerable majority, prove, not only our affec tionate attachment to his majesty's person and government, but also to those sound constitutional principles, expressed, as they have been, in the many loyal and dutiful addresses presented at the foot of the throne. The country, sir, has, VOL. 1.-1807. beyond

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beyond all question, shewn its determination to support his majesty in the exercise of the rightful prerogatives of the crown, and in his efforts, to withstand every unconsti tutional innovation. Need I advert, sir, in support of my argument, to that recent instance of his patriotism, to that paternal solicitude and regard for the best interests of his Protestant subjects, which has endeared him to us more than any other act of his long and eventful reign? While this, sir, is yet fresh in our recollection, can this House withhold its tribune of gratitude to him, for having thus approved himself as the watchful guardian of our constitu tional rights, and as the faithful and patriot sovereign of a loyal and affectionate people? His majesty, having expressed to us his solicitude to cultivate among his allies on the continent that mutual good understanding and confidence so essential to the success of the common cause, next calls our attention to his ineffectual attempt to mediate be tween Russia and the Porte, and to the hostilities with the latter power, in which it has been the necessary cause of involving him. He laments, as we have all to lament, in two unfortunate instances, the failure of the gallant efforts of his navy and army, and the loss of so many of Iris brave and valuable subjects. These reverses are, I trust, but partial and temporary; and it would be in vain to hope for uninterrupted success, in so extensive a scale of military operations, as that in which we are engaged. His majesty next appeals to the loyalty and zeal of his faithful Commons, for their furnishing such further supplies, as may be necessary for the public service; and expresses his conviction of the necessity of a careful and economical administration of them. I am willing to flatter myself, and morco er to believe, that the same laudable principle will influence the conduct of his majesty's confidential servants; and am happy to hear, that those inquiries into the public expenditure, which were prosecuted in the last Parliament, will be revived in this. I shall now, sir, detain the House no longer with my observations, than while I make a remark on the conclusion of his majesty's speech. He calls upon us to cherish among ourselves a spirit of union and harmony; and when, I would ask, was ever such a suggestion more seasonable, or more impressive? We have still an arduous conflict to sustain, we have to withstand and counteract the hostility of a powerful, inveterate, and rancorous foe; and have surely need of all our united ener