ht; I think it is think it is but an not find it in my to say a word or South Carolina, y a mood to-day, ly. [Laughter.] to let him pass. or two in regard t, it is not a quesa question of justy here, have our which is recogratic party of the the Senators who ave not a right to rough the paper rgan? That is a nothing upon this uld be read by the party. Besides, ority will look at by the publication newspapers they Special Session-Publication of Debates. SENATE. authentic account of our proceedings by one re- One corps of reporters will cost enough, as I The Senator from Arkansas, [Mr. BORLAND,] very well says that whatever may be the merits of a proposition to employ the Intelligencer in future, there is no propriety in paying for the republication of old debates already reported. Who believes that the speeches will be read, if we reprint them? The session has passed away: the interest in the debates has gone. I think, Mr. President, that the whole system had better be discontinued, and that we had better make the beginning now. I propose to commence with the Union, because it is the paper which represents the majority in this Chamber, and for which the majority have sufficiently cared by giving to its proprietor the public printing. They have given him a fortune in that office, and I see no reason for making a larger addition to it, in the shape of compensation for publishing our proceedings. ligencer found it to be profitable to publish the work better. But what we want, if we want any debates. It very soon found that it was not profit-reporters under the sanction of the Senate, is an able, and it thereupon notified us that it declined to continue the publication of them. A Senator from New Hampshire [Mr. NORRIS] then offered a resolution to substitute the Daily Globe for the Intelligencer; and the question now is, the Intelligencer having thrown up its contract, and we having substituted the Globe in place of it, whether we will go on and pay a third paper for publishing our proceedings-that third paper having declined the expense of reporting and publishing them already. It seems to me that it would be clearly improper. As to what has been said of the character of the Intelligencer, I indorse it all. I regard it as one of the most respectable papers, and it is published by some of the most respectable gentlemen in the country. I do not know that I have ever seen it descend to scurrility. I regretted to see it throw up its contract. I wished to see it continued; and if our system of reporting is continued, I wish, not that the Globe shall do the reporting, but that the Intelligencer, at the beginning of the next session, when it may be willing to meet the expense, shall do it. I wish that the two party papers should uce them to turn continue the reporting. I am, with the Senator nd come into the from Ohio, against the whole system. The amount Democratic Sena- that has been paid for it, shows that it ought to be ening the Senate discontinued. It is one of those expenditures are involved be- which has grown up in late days, commencing no ect their learned further back than 1846, which ought to be disheart unless they pensed with. It will, like the system of extra ans? Therefore, compensation, go on increasing until paper after that party stand paper will come in and ask to be paid for publishthe readiest way. ing the proceedings, and the whole thing will go these questions by the board. These debates can be obtained very e Whig newspa- easily now. Here is the Globe, or Appendix, on; for, as I have which can be got for one dollar and fifty cents, an act of justice. with the speeches of every member of Congress. re in the majority In addition to paying for the publication in the organs, and say Daily Globe and Union, we pay for the publication mate shall be pub- in the Congressional Globe itself, and we have are a vast multi- given to it the franking privilege throughout the country who are whole country. Every time this thing comes up to encer, and other get money out of the Treasury, it is made a question n need of inform- of disseminating information among the peoplenatter of justice, a question of enlightenment; and we have it now sing your patron- raised in regard to speeches which were made long terests as well as since, and published in the Intelligencer to the exIf I were to select tent to which it was profitable at the time, and to e debates, I would no greater extent. I shall vote against the resobecause the Dem-lution. ently enlightened, ig party stands in y Whigs, unless de, will ever read from South Carithout displaying t wit and humor, by the people as Mr. BUTLER rose, oor.] Mr. Presioking my friend er.] If I have not e to be back-bitten ching more to say So far as the dissemination of information is concerned, I have shown the Senate already that if you wish to place the speeches of Senators before the greatest number of readers, and especially if you want to correct opinions which most of the gentlemen here regard as heretical, there is another paper to which your regards should be extendeda paper which has a greater circulation than all the other papers in this city put together. Its readers are scattered through the whole country. It is read North; it is read South; it is read abroad; it is read by a class of citizens who, in the judgment of many Senators, especially need to be enlightened. If you are going to undertake the correction of Whig judgments by the republication of old speeches, is it not worth while to go a little further and try the efficacy of the process upon these Independent Democrats? A Senator near me seems to demur to this name. It is the right name. Other designations, I know, are more common here and elsewhere. They are most frequently used by those who fear the growing conviction among the people that the sincerest and deepest devotion to Democratic principles is found among the opponents of slavery, and that they are best entitled to the name of Democrats who most faithfully carry out the doctrines of Democracy. But if all this is a mistake, and these voters are indeed visionaries and errorists, why not give them the light of your debates? They go for too much reform. They go for too much progress. They are in too great haste, gentlemen think, to bring about the political millennium. Now, place your speeches before them. Correct their errors. Disabuse them of their false impressions. If you succeed as well as you seem to have succeeded with the Whigs, (for it is hard to distinguish one of the Baltimore platforms from the other,) what an era of peace and harmony and union we shall have! Mr. CHASE. If this were a simple question of magnanimity I might agree with the Senator from California, but I regard it as a question of public duty. I think that those who advocate economy in public expenditures, and the reform of abuses in the Government, have now a chance to show the sincerity of their faith by their votes. I have not said a word against the National Intelligencer. It is ably conducted. It is a staid, decorous, conservative, highly respectable paper. Conservatism is always respectable; progress is sometimes too earnest, too emphatic, energetic, to be respectable, in the conservative sense of the word. te for the resolue in the outset, I -I believe I did. men on the other orable gentleman Chamber usually s] who think that hed in the Demothat this was an ral patronage to a ple I would be as but when I come elf, and apply the to be governed in ed to vote for it. once, I find myhink the Senator se which he has stice, I will say to when this thing s right to pay the for the publishing su. That state of long as the Intel But, sir, what have we paid already to this paper? We have paid the Union, under the resolution of August 18, 1848, $49,123 18. We paid the Intelligencer up to the time when it voluntarily discontinued its contract, $30,428 54. These are large sums. As the Senator from Iowa justly observed when the Intelligencer voluntarily discontinued its contract, we substituted the Globe for it, and the simple question now is whether we shall reinstate the Intelligencer in the employment which it abandoned and thus have three corps of reporters, and three printers at the next session instead of two. I have already said I am perfectly willing to give up the whole system as an unsuccessful experiment. I do not think it desirable to continue it at all; and I will go with any gentleman who may propose its abolition. But if we are to have a system at all, certainly we want but one corps of reporters. We do not want two; much less do we want three. Every Senator who looks at the reported proceedings in the two papers now employed will find frequent discrepancies. These are unavoidable when two distinct corps are employed. The reporters of both papers are as able and accomplished men as are to be found in their profession; none could do their Mr. President, the Senator from Texas [Mr. RUSK] takes exception to my remark, that a great deal of trash goes abroad under the name of debates and proceedings of the two Houses of Congress. I may have used too strong a word; and certainly I did not mean to characterize the speeches of Senators as trash. When Senators speak, I listen always with respect, often with interest and instruction. Many speeches made here are able, important, and permanently valuable. But who does not know, also, that much goes into their reports, which is of no value and no interest? How much that is trivial, how much that is absolutely frivolous takes place here and finds its way into the reports? I have no desire that all this should go abroad. It does not enhance the dignity of the Senate. I fear, indeed, that the reputation of this body has not improved in the judgment of the country since this system of reporting was adopted. If it be extended, if reporter be added to reporter, and printer to printer, and job to job, you may rest assured that 32D CON it will go dow odium which age and extra Mr. DODG amendment b The amend and the quest was rejected. Mr. CHAS by inserting u cer," the wo amendment [ On a divisi yeas and nay: vor, and The PRES the chair) dec Mr. CHAS side. The PRES not think tha a quorum to Senators are Mr.CHA Chair, when upon any qu is not to be the existence sition. It re tion. It requ to entitle the yeas and nay The PRES of the Chair quires a quoru of a quorum t question whic cide it, as to a the Senators The questio there were, o quorum votin Mr. RUSK be directed t Senators. I this way. Mr. CHA from Texas feated in this upon the g people who speeches. N ground of th selection of ber of reader The resoluti of courtesy readers of accept the p minority. F are in a smal A SENATOR Mr. CHAS There has no and I cannot creasing, and ter.] If, the minority is g nority which Masachusett peal to the ma as. I know I do not see h plication of h to him. I h and award t Democratic m par is so ready to Mr. WEL ator from Oh Abolition know that th Abolition pa pendent Dem organization utterly impo bates here t the Nationa before swin "joined to th "let them a posed to gi 3D SESS. ler precisely the same public verwhelmed constructive mileensation. Iowa. I move to amend the ng "and Globe." o the amendment was rejected; curring on the amendment, it Special Session-Publication of Debates. that newspaper by making it the publisher of any portion of the debates of the Senate. I know of no practical good which the publication in that paper can produce to the country. I cannot consent to encourage either directly or indirectly a press which advocates doctrines calculated to distract and divide the Union. That paper is the organ of a faction which has already done much to move to amend the resolution disturb the harmony of the States, and weaken the e words "National Intelligen-bonds which bind them together. The patronage National Era;" and on the of the Senate should not be so distributed as to r the yeas and nays. aid in this unhallowed work. the question on ordering the y four Senators rose in its fa G OFFICER (Mr. STUART in hat they were not ordered. I ask for a count on the other G OFFICER. The Chair does ssary. It requires one fifth of the yeas and nays, and four e fifth. I apprehend it is the duty of the ny Senator calls for a division to have it. That application to the mere ascertainment of majority in favor of any propoa majority to carry a proposione fifth of the Senators present ator who demands them to the NG OFFICER. The opinion at upon any question which react upon it, it requires one fifth ler the yeas and nays; upon a es not require a quorum to dern from day to day, one fifth of nt can order them. eing taken on the amendment, division-ayes 2, noes 24; no hope the Sergeant-at-Arms will uest the attendance of absent t like to see a thing defeated in I am sorry that the Senator not like to see this thing debut this resolution is supported of placing information before › be enlightened by Democratic only say that if this is the real lution, consistency requires the per which has the greatest numthat paper is the National Era. also sustained upon the ground inority. Now, undoubtedly the I mean of course those who I faith advocated by it, are in a ly, at the present moment they inority than the Whigs. re you sure? I rather think so. [Laughter.] n a count since the late election,|| bsolutely certain. We are inWhigs are decreasing. [Laughle argument of courtesy to a why not extend it to that miepresented by my friend from r. SUMNER] and myself? I apimity of the Senator from Texenerosity; I know his fairness. le can gainsay this practical apvn principles which I commend e will reconsider his position liberal, growing, independent ity the same courtesy which he nd to our Whig friends. It seems to me that the Sens given a new name to the old Everybody knows, or ought to rty to which he alluded is the He designates it as the Indeic party! I know of no such d as to the Abolitionists, it is by the publication of any denge the minds of the readers of It would be casting "pearls Like Ephraim of old, they are po All that I desire to say to the Senator from Ohio is, that I could not understand his assertion when, the other day, he claimed to be the representative of the great Democracy of Ohio! Does he suppose that the Democracy of that State will recognize that Abolition journal as its organ? Do they look into that paper for the purpose of finding their litical creed? Do they examine it for the purpose of determining what the honor and justice of the country may demand from them? If, sir, they do, then, as I said upon another occasion, I was a false representative of that party in the memorable gubernatorial campaign of 1848. But now I am enabled to comprehend the Senator. The Independent Democratic party! Sir, there never has been any other party, known as the Democratic party, but the Independent Democratic party-a party that was founded upon principlesprinciples which they believed to be inseparably connected with the prosperity and happiness of the country. It was always independent, because it sought to stand aloof from all factions and all cliques, and to look with an eye alone to the well fare and happiness of the whole people-a party who have labored from the beginning to perpetuate the Union by securing to each section of the Confederacy the undisturbed enjoyment of its constitutional rights-a party who are content with the Constitution given them by their fathers. If the Democracy of that great State have become abolitionized; if they have abandoned the safe and sound constitutional principles which they so zealously sustained in the olden times; if they have thrown themselves into the arms of a miserable faction, then the Senator from Ohio may claim to be their true representative. But, sir, such is not the fact, and therefore it was that I affirmed that he was not the representative of any portion of the Democracy of that State which I regard as sound. In sustaining the Abolition organ he surely does not represent them. I regard him as the exponent of a faction. I regard him as belonging to a clique-to a faction that has been organized for the purpose of destroying the peace and tranquillity of the Union; and if they succeed in carrying out their measures, the result must be the inevitable dissolution of the Government. I have been provoked, I grant I have been provoked, because he comes here and claims to be the representative of the Democracy of my native State, with which I was so long identified previous to my removal to the Pacific. That he should claim to be the representative of that Democracy, that he should claim that the views which he entertains upon all these political questions are the sentiments of those with whom I have spent nearly the whole of my life, and with whom I have battled in the fiercest contests known in the history of any State, has provoked me I admit. I have not lost my temper however, for I claim to be a good-natured man and not easily moved. I have endured this with a good deal of philosophy. I have sometimes felt myself called upon to speak, because I was the only native of Ohio upon the floor of the Senate; and if I could not be allowed to vindicate her reputation from what I considered the foulest aspersions, I could not tell to whom she would look for it. I repudiate now publicly the idea that the Senator from Ohio represents that portion of the party with which I was connected when I was a resident of that State. He may be the true and faithful representative of what is usually known as the Connecticut Reserve in Ohio. It is the hot-bed of Abolitionism, and the hardest place any democratic christian ever went into. [Laughter.] They are a peculiar people, a very remarkable people; and therefore I am free to ad SENATE. I say in all courtesy, that he must allow me to repudiate the idea of his representing the Democracy of that State. In the name of the sound and true men of Ohio, I deny that he is entitled to this position. Now, Mr. President, I do not know that I should have said anything upon this occasion or engaged in this unprofitable debate if it had not been for the fact that we have no public business to transact. I would not have been justifiable in imposing remarks of this character upon the Senate, if there had been any public business before us demanding action; but everybody knows that there is nothing for us to do. We are only waiting on the Executive for political victims. The Senator from Ohio has been speaking to-day with no other view perhaps than to spread his speech out in the columns of the Globe. I am willing that it shall go there; and whenever he makes a speech in the Senate, and gives me an opportunity to make a short reply, I will contribute a small amount towards its free publication in the National Era, in order that his constituents upon the Connecticut Reserve may have the opportunity of perusing it. They have a strong affection for me in that region. (Laughter.] Mr. CHASE. The honorable Senator from California has shown his regard to the State of Ohio in one mode; I have shown mine in another. I was not born in Ohio. I went to the State in my boyhood, from New Hampshire. 1 identified my fortune with those of her people. I have witnessed, and so far as lay in my power, have contributed to her development and growth. She has become a great State. I am proud to be numbered among her sons. Her honor and prosperity are very dear to me. The Senator from California was born in the State; but he left it in the prime of his manhood, and became a citizen of California. He became a citizen of the State by accident-I by choice. I abide-he has departed. Departing, he left behind him many who regret his absence. His regrets on account of separation are probably mitigated by the reflection that he is no longer in any degree responsible for the action of "that abolition State." Mr. President, the honorable Senator has said that the publication of these debates in the National Era, would be "casting pearls before swine." The honorable Senator seems to be learned in Scripture. He has studied it at all events so far as to be able to make a quotation; but I submit to the candid judgment of the Senator, whether, in point of fact, and so far as their intercourse with gentlemen here or elsewhere is concerned, the readers of the Era are more entitled to that designation than the readers of other papers, which I will not name. The readers of the Era are very numerous-perhaps not less than a hundred thousand. They constitute a pretty large proportion of the thinking men and women of the country. They are independent in their judgments-not apt to follow leaders, unless they know who they are and where they are going. They form their own opinions; and what is most wonderful, they adhere to them in a minority, just as firmly as when in a majority. It is this peculiar trait of fixed adhesion to their principles, which some persons, who desire nothing so much as to be in the majority, and dread nothing so much as to be in a minority, call fanaticism. My friend from California and I have also different reasons for our different degrees of attachment to Ohio. He ran for Governor; he ran well; but he was beaten. I was a candidate for Senator, and was elected. Notwithstanding my election he denies my right to represent the Democracy of the State. Now, I have never claimed to represent, in a strict party sense, that great and powerful organization which we know at home as the Old Line Democracy. I have acted with it when I could do so consistently with my known principles; but I have never abandoned my position as an Independent Democrat. I happen, however, to be the only representative the Democracy of Ohio has in this Chamber; and I will say, with whatever zeal and energy and fidelity the Senator from California has represent ed his constituents, he has not exceeded my devo I do not think unt. They are ination and my end them when 1. me remarks of ssion. I do not Executive sesanywhere. But to represent the e Democracy of ght to speak for se while I symof those fellowous devotion to rejected as they inions promul Special Session-Publication of Debates. SENATE. calling them Abolitionists, it will do no harm. orable bargain when a great party gets down upon Mere names are of little consequence. Gentlemen its knees to some faction, and agrees to parcel out may call me an Abolitionist if they choose, and I the offices. It was indeed humiliating to see a will promise not to be at all angry. The name great party placed in this position. They were would simply identify me in sentiment and opin-compelled, therefore, to go over to these three or ion with some of the greatest and best men which four who were adhering to the Senator from Ohio. ever lived, both of our own and other lands. It It was by a combination, an unhallowed combineed not at all surprise gentlemen if that very nation between the Democracy of that day and name which they apply as a brand of reproach, the Free-Soilers that elevated the Senator to the should become, at no distant day, a crown of place he now holds in this Chamber. If that be honor. I prefer, however, to designate the po- a matter for my friend to boast of, while he relitical organization of the opponents of slavery minds me of my defeat, he is entitled to all the extension and nationalized slavery by the name glory resulting from it. By such means I too which they assume for themselves. They will could have succeeded. One word of conciliation not find it difficult to establish their title to the to the Abolitionists, and I would have been Govname of Democrats, by any test which does re- ernor. I was beaten, but not disgraced. In the solve Democracy into a blind and servile adherence last campaign in Ohio he attached his fortunes to cratic and anti- to organization without regard to principles. Here John P. Hale, and sustained him and his political at liberty to go sit around me gentlemen who call themselves platform. He utterly "repudiated and spit upon” nees of the Con- Democrats and representatives of the Democratic the Baltimore platform. He could not support and opinions of party of the country. I do not challenge their General Pierce, because he was nominated upon a deference which title to the name or character. I find myself gen- platform which, in his judgment, destroyed all pinions of Vir-erally voting with a majority of them; but how those principles which were dear to the Abolition ndidates nomin-very wide are their diversities of opinion! There is heart. How many votes were cast along with that as if in the very hardly a question upon which they do not differ. Senator in Ohio? Some thirty thousand. In the ttled convictions There is perhaps no question upon which I do meanwhile the great Democratic party of that State lared to be such not vote with the majority of them as often as any recorded their votes in favor of General Pierce, ions for the last one of themselves. Even upon that question thereby ratifying, confirming, and sanctioning the ion nominees is which seems to rise up everywhere with a sort of Baltimore platform. Does he represent the Deemocrat; if De- omnipresence, challenging investigation and solu- mocracy of Ohio? The Democracy of Ohio are nreasoning and tion, how little agreement is there! Sir, there is content to take General Pierce with his principles tion without re- no question of principle, there is no measure of as avowed by the Baltimore Convention; but the certainly make policy upon which the Senators who compose the Senator utterly repudiates that, and that portion cter. But, sir, if Democratic majority in this Chamber are unani- of the people backing him in his repudiation were earnest faith the mous. They agree absolutely in nothing except thirty thousand, while the majority for General ef with Jefferson in supporting the same candidates for President Pierce were, in the whole State, some eighteen d are entitled to and Vice President, in other words, the same dis- thousand or twenty thousand. Therefore I had on of the duty of pensers of the vast patronage of the Government. a right to assume that the Senator from Ohio did ciples into their And has it come to this, that in the nineteenth cen- not represent the wishes of the people there, when and without re- tury, and past its noon, that a party organization some three hundred and fifty thousand votes were omy and reform is maintained upon the sole ground of organiza- cast in that campaign, and the whole number who sympathy with tion and the support of convention nominations, acted with the Senator was only thirty thousand. endeavors to adand not by its recognition of any great universal Therefore he represents thirty thousand, a large marked out by principles applicable to the solution of all ques- portion of whom are in the Connecticut Reserve. y which fidelity tions, and boldly applied in the solution of all? He is the exponent of their principles, and not the redly secure for Sir, you may depend upon it that if this be so, principles of the Democracy. He directed all his n and the union the dead level of political stagnation has been efforts to defeat General Pierce; he denounced the ke a Democrat, reached, and that the great Democratic party which sentiments of the Convention which nominated at as any I see was organized under Jackson, is hastening to its him, and now he claims to represent the Democny of my polit-decay and dissolution. The very moment the racy of Ohio! Is not such a claim absolutely willing to have people become convinced that a great permanent ridiculous? ocrat compared comprehensive principle does not lie at the base of I should not be your action, animating, controlling, and directing my Democracy, it all, you will lose the confidence of the people; and mparison a good when the confidence of the people is gone, the date of dissolution will not be distant. cells us that the Era is the Aboli-ainly endeavormocracy. Why, ich was organresident has apho were of this the Senate has ality and good tions. I do not canted anything Et the gentlemen resumed their ines, and have timore Convent recanted their rty which was ce been known dependent Deast designation my idea of the h is used. Cerer the party has resolves of its -s of its conven no compose this s increase from s, because they maxims of the ir impartial apcall themselves they reject the urtesy and fairt they be called se to be known. er to persist in Mr. WELLER. The Senator from Ohio is very much mistaken in supposing that I cherish any unkind feelings towards his constituents, because of my having been a defeated candidate for Governor in 1848. The history of that campaign is well known to the country. It was the only occasion in that State when the Abolition party did not unite upon a candidate of their own. I was so odious to them and their principles, that they united upon my opponent, and with the union of the Abolitionists and the Whig party they beat me some three hundred votes out of a popular vote of three hundred thousand. If I had remained at home and concealed my views upon the "Wilmot proviso" from the public eye, I should have succeeded beyond all doubt. This I well knew at the time, but I traversed the whole State and proclaimed my opinions fully and freely everywhere, preferring defeat to a dishonorable victory. I would scorn to hold any office by concealing my principles from the people. The Senator has said, too, that the Democratic party at the present session have indorsed some of the unrecanting Free-Soilers of 1848. When? The Democratic party, with that manliness and independence which I trust will always characterize them, avowed their principles through the Baltimore Convention to the world: they desired no man to take their candidate; they sought no concealment; they desired no one to take their candidate with a "generous confidence "-without the platform. They proclaimed their principles; they inscribed them upon their banner; they placed that banner in the hands of their candidate; they were so plainly written, that he who runs might read, and a wayfaring man, though an Abolitionist, need not err therein. [Laughter.] This was fair and manly upon our part. No man was called upon to sustain our candidate, unless he cordially, sincerely, and heartily responded to the principles incorporated in the platform. A very large majority of the people whom the Senator pretends to represent, did respond to them; and all of those men who were confirmed by the Senate of the United States who went with the Free-Soil party in 1848, came in at that contest, and gave in their adhesion to our principles by voting for our candidate; and all that we have said, therefore, in the ratification of the nominations alluded to, is that those who came back, and in good faith subscribed to our principles and supported our candidate, were entitled to a share of the Federal patronage. There has been no man confirmed who would dare to avow to the world the political principles which actuate the Senator from Ohio. Has an Abolitionist been confirmed-any of those who united with him in the last contest? Not one of them. Has any of them been sent in by the President of the United States? No, sir; and they never will. The President has no sympathies with the faction to which the Senator belongs. But the Senator says that that election which resulted in my defeat placed him in the Senate. I know exactly how he was elected, and I should have supposed he would scarcely boast of such a victory. I understand the history of that election. The Senator had some three or four Abolition friends in the Legislature who held the balance of power between the Whig and Democratic parties; they had the power to control the action of the Legislature; they exercised it. They required an agreement as to the officers to be selected before an election for Senator could be had. They required them to enter into a bargain; and if he will allow me to say-and I say it with all proper respect a dishonorable bargain; for it is a dishon The Senator says that this Administration has 32D CONG. taken men back Pierce without festly unjust. V With all am a much bett In a social p is obstinate; and a place amongs for "While the 1 my seeking. ity. It seems 3D SESS. Special Session-Publication of Debates. to the Democratic party who action of political parties in Ohio, and of some dent, I did not desire to have this discussion. I should not ed to enter into it but for the of the Senator from Ohio, to the esents the Democracy of that espect to him, I claim that I representative than he is. In that State, it gave a large maIn whom I voted for, and who rinciples I avowed; therefore I im to be a better representative of that State than he is. When e principles I am not willing to thing else than an Abolitionist. ed him from the beginning. I in olden times. I have known canvassing the State in a hopehe always will be in Ohio, for mount of intelligence there, paronnecticut Reserve. [Laughter.] s be a majority there against the ws; and you will never find in a majority who will be willing timents which have been oftenhere upon a particular question ho is accidentally here now. I have said perhaps more on this ight to have said, but there are s why I have felt myself called e the character, and the honor, the Democracy of Ohio. I owe of gratitude for the manly firmthey sustained me in one of the ver fought. Although I have a far distant land, I can never and gallant spirits who gathered 18. I never can desert them. nt of view, I should be sorry, sir, or from Ohio; but unless he abanand renounces his heresies, his e numbered. It is not probable cy will ever occur again when a rty will be willing to throw itself a few Abolitionists, and sacrifice to obtain place. It is not often occur, and therefore I count with rtainty upon the fact that, in two time, the place that now knows m no more forever. [Laughter.] he shades of private life, where he portunity of reflecting upon the t life. He will have ample time anthropy by devising some plan oral and political condition of our His philanthropy takes in the man, black and white, and in rebe able to do something to imne. I am sure his heart is right, vfully turned. There is evidently in that region. [Laughter.] He having started wrong, the further e it is. If he will repent in sackif he will renounce his errors, valk for the future in the path of truth, we will allow him to take us. I have some hopes of him, mp holds out to burn, This discussion, so far as it has onal character, is certainly not of have no disposition, however, to sibility which it may impose. It in effort to give a portion of the to the National Intelligencer, for the gun that I gen The Senator from California has thought proper to refer to the local politics of my State, and to the events which resulted in my election to the seat which I now hold. And now let me say to him, and to all who concern themselves in these things, that so far as I have had any share in any political action in Ohio, I stand ready to meet the fullest and the most searching scrutiny. Sir, I have no political secrets. My public life has been so plain, so open, that he who runs may read its record. No man can truthfully say that I have ever deviated, upon any occasion or under any influence, by the breadth of a hair, from the path which fidelity to my long-cherished principles required me to pursue. It is true that I have acted in a minority. The time has been when I have stood almost alone. Some years ago, when I first promulgated those political principles which have ever since determined my action, I found few sympathizers or supporters. But I knew these principles to be sound. I believed them to be important; and I did not shrink from their defense then any more than I shrink from it now when their abstract correctness is generally admitted, and their practical application is resolutely demanded by tens of thousands of voters at the ballot-box. And let me say to gentlemen that they are indulging a vain dream if they fancy that these principles are to die out of the hearts of the people. They will go on conquering and to conquer. You may depend upon it that the faith of freedom is neither dead nor dying. You may depend upon it that it has lost nothing of that vital energy which has already overcome so many prejudices and changed so many convictions. The advocates of that faith shrink from no discussion. They desire it rather. They court investigation. They challenge scrutiny. They know that the more their principles and measures are examined and scrutinized the more they will commend themselves not only to the warm and generous affections, but to the sober and deliberate judgments of the American people. And now, sir, let me further say that there is nothing in the circumstances of my election which I desire to withdraw from scrutiny here or elsewhere. The Senator from California may, if he sees fit, stigmatize the action of the Old Line Democratic members of the Ohio Legislature-and every one of whom, by the way, had just before supported him for Governor-as dishonorable. I never thought it so. There happen to be two Democratic parties in my State. The political platforms of both are substantially the same; but one insists upon the national recognition and adoption of its principles as the condition of support to national nominees; the other has hitherto supported national nominees without any such condition. The former is known as the Independent or Free Democracy; the latter as the Old Line Democracy; and many who act in the Old Line hold the State platform very cheap, and sympathize strongly with those who are known in other States as Hunkers; there are more, however, with whom the principles of the State platform are a cherished faith, and who of course sympathize more strongly with the Independent Democracy. Some two years ago, when no national election was pending, when the Old Line Democracy was in opposition to the National Administration, and of course not responsible for any proslavery action, many of the Independent Democrats, myself among them, supported the Old Line nominations. At this election, the Old Line ticket was elected by a large majority over all opposition. Upon no other occasion, for many years, has the Old Line State ticket received an absolute majority. SENATE. influence of patronage will succeed, I cannot say. But we know it is made, and we know too that it is the most common thing in the world, when two parties, or two sections of one party, having some common objects, unite to form a majority over a third party hostile to these objects, to divide the offices which that majority has to fill between the sections which compose it. Now, it so happened that in the Legislature of Ohio, in 1848-49, no party had a majority; the Independent Democrats were, it is true, few in number; but the Old Line Democrats, though more numerous, were not numerous enough to effect anything by themselves. Under these circumstances that which was most natural took place-the Independents and Old Line Democrats united. But there was-and I am proud to say it no sacrifice of principle on either side. The Old Line Democrats voted for me because they knew me to be sound in the Democratic faith, though independent in party action. The Independent Democrats voted for Old Line nominees for supreme judges, who, though they differed from them in party action, yet shared their general opposition to the extension and nationalization of slavery. Let the Senator make all he can of this. I see nothing in it to lament. I can appeal consdently to my whole course here to justify the confidence reposed in me. Nothing has transpired in the history of either of the eminent gentlemen elected to other offices at the same time, to make Independent Democrats regret the votes they cast for them. Many members of the Legislature who participated in these elections have since received distinguished proofs of the public confidence; and a succession of Democratic victories instead of the succession of defeats which had for years marked the previous history of the Democratic party, has attested the wisdom of the Old Line Democrats who recommended, or adopted, or approved the union. Sir, I do not so highly value a seat here that I would sacrifice one jot or tittle of my personal independence to obtain or to retain it. Nor would I surrender any political principle to come or to remain here. The prophecy of the Senator from California may be fulfilled. It is very possible that I may not be reelected. I shall have as little to regret in that event as any man. I am entirely willing, whenever the people of my State indicate that such is their pleasure, to retire from the scene. I have said on another occasion, and to my Democratic constituents, that a private is not less acceptable to me than a public station. I said it sincerely and honestly. I have ever preferredand all the acts of all my life will prove it-action with a minority in defense of principles, to action with a majority, and to any position which a majority can confer, in disregard of principles. I have said that I represent the true sentiments of the people of Ohio. I have never said that I represent a majority party organization. The Senator from California tells us that he has been provoked by my claim to represent that Democratic party in Ohio which voted for him as Governor. I have never made any such claim If he has been provoked, he has been provoked without occasion. I have never assumed any other position than that which I take now. I represent Ohio-the people-not a mere party organization. I have no doubt at all that my political principles are the political principles of a large majority of that people, however their expression may be restrained or modified by party policy. There is not, for example, a sentence in the whole platform of the Old Line Democracy from which I dissent. I have maintained its principles, and have defended its policy every time I have addressed my constituents in whatever part of the State. I shall continue to do so. All I ask of the Old Line De A SENATOR. How was it at the last presiden-mocracy of Ohio is to carry out inflexibly and tial election? Mr. CHASE. The Independent Democrats unanimously supported their own ticket, and the Baltimore nominees lacked fifteen thousand votes of an absolute majority. Well, sir, there has been in New York a union of the Barnburners and Hunkers; and no small pains is taken at the other end of the Avenue, and at this, to cement and consolidate this union We have wite- without reserve the principles of their platform. The chief, if not the only point of difference between me and them, is that I cannot consent, for the sake of party union and a party victory, to support national candidates who reject those principles-the nominees of a Convention who trample upon and spurn them. I know just as well as the Senator from Califor of thousands of ate, while they Itimore Conventform. I could it gave a sort of orm to say to its candidates you ow bound by it, as unwilling to y has been apot acquiesced in ed? Virtually, nominated upon f changed opinn A. Dix recant 18, when he and ame candidates? his adhesion to refer to this dised every way, ts, by his pere he occupies in e representative is supporters of r the nominees; e open declarathey supported ed the doctrines Special Session-Resignation of a Senator. retense for such referred to take ich the Senator I always remain er, deceive himent is more cerhe principles of ciples of a ma but if you will increase of the porters, and the een going on in principles, you hand than some as bad in principle and bad as a precedent. It proposes a large and useless expenditure of public. money. It proposes to extend and perpetuate a bad system. And an effort is made to force this resolution through at the very close of a special session, when it is almost impossible to obtain a quorum to do any business. I resist it. I think it wrong; and I hope to find a majority of the Senate, should the resolution ever be brought to a vote, of the same opinion. Mr. BRODHEAD. This is a very thin Senate. There must be a very large majority in favor of the resolution; but still, if the Senator from Ohio insists on a division, we had better understand it now, and adjourn if we cannot muster a quorum. I think myself that we had better pass the resolution to give four dollars to the Intelligencer for what they have published, and will publish, of the debates of the last session. The most of the speeches have been published, and there are but few to be published; and I therefore hope that, by general consent, we will pass the resolution now. Further. I have ng. I regret the these subjects; possible for me ons of the Senaing was further -ed into this dis_ture. I rose at from a sense of ion of the SenaD.] I oppose it Mr. CHASE. I will say in reply to the Senator from Pennsylvania, that my deliberate judgment is, that it is not right for the Senate to pass resolutions involving a large expenditure of public money without a quorum. I cannot, for one, consistently with my views of public duty, permit it. Mr. BRODHEAD. I think it is generally known that I am on the side of economy; but this will not take a large expenditure of public money. There are certainly Senators enough here to adopt the resolution, and there is a large majority of those who are present in favor of it. Mr. JONES, of Iowa, moved that the Senate adjourn. The motion was not agreed to. The question being taken on Mr. CHASE'S amendment to insert the National Era," resulted-ayes 2, noes 19; no quorum voting. SENATE. port of so large a majority of the body. It is embarrassed by a proposition, whether intended or not, to give to the National Era the printing of the debates of the Senate. I would at all times give such a proposition, if it were presented independently before us, my support, but inasmuch as the pressing of it now is embarrassing the resolution, and as there is no quorum present, I move that the Senate adjourn. Mr. WELLER. It is evident that there is no quorum present, and we are completely within the power of the two Senators. If they choose to insist upon a division the division will result in a disclosure of the fact that we have no quorum. It is a deliberate attempt on the part of those two Senators to defeat this resolution, or force the National Era into the patronage of the Senate. There is no difficulty in comprehending that this is the determination of the Senator from Ohio; and under the rules of the Senate, if he persists he can succeed in his object. I have no difficulty in understanding it, because he has said that his course is so plain that he who runs may read, but I think that in his case, he who reads will run. [Laughter.] Mr. SEWARD. I introduced this resolution and I am happy to see that it commands the sup Mr. CHASE. I will merely say one word. It is supposed by some Senators that if the motion to insert the National Era should prevail, I will vote for the resolution. I have already declared the principle on which I proceed. I should not vote for the resolution if this, amendment was inserted, but upon the same principles which commend the Intelligencer to the vote of the Senate I say the National Era ought to be included; but still if the resolution were so amended'I should vote against it. The motion was agreed to, and the Senate adjourned. PUBLIC, I.-An. Be it enacted thousand dollars priated, out of otherwise appr sums due by la respective State to the seat of ( of the said Sta of the United APPROVED, PUBLIC, II- Be it enacted PUBLIC, III.- cases. Be it enacted sentatives of the assembled, Tha and he hereby enrollment for whenever such hereafter be, have been, or repaired by a d That it shall b V |