which, in a century and a half's practice, had grown into rights. They invaded the trial by jury; and what was scarcely less dear to the colonists, they prohibited public meetings, and thus, it was said, "cut away the scaffolding of English freedom." The issue, no longer one of mere taxation, involved the gravest questions as to personal rights. The freeman was required to become a slave. It was the attempted execution of these laws that became the immediate occasion of the commencement of hostilities between the American colonists and Great Britain.

Copies of these acts were received early in June,' and were immediately circulated through the colonies. General Gage did not receive them officially until the 6th of August, and with them a letter of instructions from the government. Lord Dartmouth hoped these new laws would have "the good effect" to give vigor to the civil authority, "to prevent those unwarrantable assemblings of the people for factious purposes, which had been the source of so much mischief," and to secure an impartial administration of justice; and he instructed the governor, at all hazards, to put them in force. Not only the dignity and reputation of the empire, but the power and the very existence of the empire, depended upon the issue; for if the ideas of independence once took root, the colonial relation would be severed, and destruction would follow disunion. It was actual disobedience, and open resistance, that had compelled coercive measures. With this imperative order there came a nomination of thirty-six councillors. General Gage lost no time. in attempting to carry these laws into execution. Twentyfour of the council immediately accepted. The first meeting of such of the members as could be collected was held on the 8th; and a meeting of the whole was called on the 16th. Judges, also, proceeded immediately to hold courts, and sheriff's to summon juries, under the authority of the new acts. The momentous question of obedience now came up. Should Massachusetts submit to the new acts? Would the other colonies see, without increased alarm, the humiliation of Massachusetts ?

June 2, Captain Williamson, in 36 days from Bristol, (arrived) with copy of another cruel act of Parliament. - Newell's Ms. Diary.

This was the turning point of the Revolution. It did not find the patriots unprepared. They had an organization beyond the reach alike of proclamations from the governors, or of circulars from the ministry. This was the committees of correspondence, chosen in most of the towns in legal townmeetings, or by the various colonial assemblies, and extending throughout the colonies. Their value was appreciated by the patriots, while their influence was dreaded by the crown. His majesty had formally signified his disapprobation of their appointment;' but the ministers of state corresponded with their colonial officials and friends; and why should it be thought unreasonable or improper for the agents of the colonists to correspond with each other? The crisis called for all the wisdom of these committees. A remarkable circular from Boston, addressed to the towns, (July, 1774,) dwelt upon the duty of opposing the new laws: the towns, in their answers, were bold, spirited, and firm, and echoed the necessity of resistance. Nor was this all. The people promptly thwarted the first attempts to exercise authority under them. Such councillors as accepted their appointments were compelled to resign, or, to avoid compulsion, retired into Boston. At Great Barrington, (August, 1774,) the judges, on attempting to hold courts, were driven from the bench, and the Boston people were gravely advised to imitate the example. At length the committee of Worcester suggested a meeting of various committees, to conclude upon a plan of operation to be adopted through the province, and requested the Boston committee to call it. Accordingly, a meeting of delegates from the committees of the counties of Worcester, Essex, and Middlesex, and of the committee of correspondence of Suffolk, was held on the 26th of August, 1774, at Faneuil Hall. It was first resolved that

1 Governor Hutchinson, in his message to the General Court, January 26, 1774, said: "I am required to signify to you his majesty's disapprobation of the appointment of committees of correspondence, in various instances, which sit and act during the recess of the General Court." A paper, in stating this fact, says: Here is now an example for you, inhabitants of Suffolk! An infant county, hardly organized, has prevented the session of a court on the new system of despotism. 3" A county congress was suggested at a Boston town-meeting, August 9, and the committee of correspondence authorized to appoint delegates to it. - Records.

COUNCIL IN FANEUIL HALL.

11

certain officers of the crown, such as judges, and justices, and officers of courts, - were, by the act for the better regulation of the government, rendered unconstitutional officers; and then a committee was raised, to report resolutions proper to be adopted on so alarming an occasion. The meeting then adjourned to the next day. On the 27th, this meeting considered the report of its committee, and adopted it. Its preamble declares that the new policy of the ministry formed a complete system of tyranny; that no power on earth had a right, without the consent of this province, to alter the minutest tittle of its charter; that they were entitled to life, liberty, and the means of sustenance, by the grace of Heaven, and without the king's leave; and that the late act had robbed them of the most essential rights of British subjects. Its resolves declare: 1. That a Provincial Congress is necessary to counteract the systems of despotism, and to substitute referee committees in place of the unconstitutional courts; and that each county will act wisely in choosing members, and resolutely executing its measures. 2. That, previous to the meeting of such congress, the courts ought to be opposed. 3. That officers attempting to hold them, or any others attempting to execute the late act, would be traitors cloaked with a pretext of law. 4. That all persons ought to separate from them,laborers ought to shun their vineyards, and merchants ought to refuse to supply them with goods. 5. That every defender of the rights of the province, or of the continent, ought to be supported by the whole county, and, if need be, by the province. 6. That, as a necessary means to secure the rights of the people, the military art, according to the Norfolk plan, ought to be attentively practised. Such was the bold determination of what may not be inaptly termed the executive of the patriot party. I know of no more important consultation of this period,' or one that was followed by more momentous action. These resolves, reflecting as they did the deep convictions of the majority of the people, were carried out to the

This meeting does not appear to have been public. I have not met with a single allusion to it in print, either in the newspapers or in the histories. The proceedings, from Mss. in the rich cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Society, with the call, are in the Appendix.

letter. The result was, a Provincial Congress, hostile preparation, a clash of arms, and a general rising of the people.

To the people of Middlesex County belongs the honor of taking the lead in carrying out the bold plan resolved upon in Faneuil Hall. A convention, consisting of delegates from every town and district in it, chosen at legal town-meetings, assembled at Concord on the 30th of August. It numbered one hundred and fifty, and constituted a noble representation of the character and intelligence of this large county. The members felt that they were dealing with "great and profound questions," their own words, at a stage when judicious revolutionary action, rather than exciting language, was required. Their report and resolves are pervaded by the deep religious feeling that runs through the revolutionary documents of New England, and are remarkable for their firmness, moderation, and strength. After reviewing the late acts, they say, "To obey them would be to annihilate the last vestiges of liberty in this province, and therefore we must be justified by God and the world in never submitting to them." Actuated by "a sense of their duty as men, as freemen, and as Christian freemen," they resolved that every civil officer, acting under the new acts, "was not an officer agreeable to the charter, therefore unconstitutional, and ought to be opposed." They concluded in the following lofty strain: "No danger shall affright, no difficulties shall intimidate us; and if, in support of our rights, we are called to encounter even death, we are yet undaunted, sensible that he can never die too soon who lays down his life in support of the laws and liberties of his country." Memorable words for men to utter, who led at Lexington, Concord, and Bunker Hill! Proceedings worthy to have emanated from these world-renowned battle-grounds.1

The governor, meantime, kept a watchful eye on these movements. He resolved to use his troops to disperse public meetings, and to protect the courts; and made his first attempt at Salem. A meeting was called in this town, August 20, by printed handbills from the committee of correspondence, and

1 These proceedings were published at length in the journals of the time. A copy was officially sent to Congress, then in session at Philadelphia, where they were much applauded.

the object was to elect delegates to a county convention to be holden at Ipswich. On the 23d of August, General Gage issued a proclamation, forbidding all persons from attending this meeting, "or any other not warranted by law," as they would be chargeable with all the ill consequences that might follow, and must answer them at their utmost peril." The inhabitants, however, assembled on the 24th, according to the notice. By request, the committee waited on General Gage, who ordered them to dissolve the meeting. The committee began to argue the legality of the assembly. "I came to execute the laws, not to dispute them," replied Gage. A detachment of troops was ordered to disperse the meeting; but while the committee were in consultation, the people transacted their business and adjourned, and the discomfited governor gratified his resentment by arresting those who called the unlawful assembly.

Ac

The next attempt of General Gage indicated his intention to secure the cannon and powder of the province, and thus disarm the people. In Charlestown, on Quarry Hill, was a magazine, the powder-house, — where it was customary to store powder belonging to the towns and the province. Owing to the lowering aspect of public affairs, the towns, in August, withdrew their stock, which left only that belonging to the province. This fact was communicated to General Gage by William Brattle, of Cambridge, when it was determined to remove the remainder of the powder to Castle William. cordingly, on the first day of September, in the morning about sunrise, Lieutenant-Colonel Maddison, and two hundred and sixty troops, embarked in thirteen boats at Long Wharf, Boston, landed at Temple's Farm, (The Ten Hills,) crossed over Winter Hill to the powder-house, and carried the powder, two hundred and fifty half-barrels, on board the boats. Meantime a detachment went to Cambridge, and carried away two fieldpieces, lately procured for the regiment of that place. The party then proceeded to Castle William.

The report of this affair, spreading rapidly, excited great indignation. The people collected in large numbers, and many were in favor of attempting to recapture the powder and cannon. Influential patriots, however, succeeded in turning their