upon the foundation of the question, upon the rights of Denmark, Europe is unanimous, and its will will be accomplished.

"Upon these two points a conflict seems imminent. The accommodation hoped from the conferences at Warsaw seems illusory: the result of the negotiations was obscure and vague, and subsequently all has been envenomed. The mutual armaments, the movement of troops, and the ultimatum addressed recently by Austria to Prussia, make it possible that in a few days, for the first time during thirty-five years, war may have broken out between two powers of the first order.

"War might bring in its train evils still greater than those of war itself. The soil of Europe is still covered with fires only half extinguished. War might reanimate these. War might furnish with chances fatal theories, hopes, and passions. War is the last resource of subversive factions; it might shake, even to its foundations, European society; it might become only the improvident signal of a social war. This thought ought to dominate over all other thoughts in the mind of the cabinets of Europe, particularly of those which have nobly entered upon the way of wise reforms and serious progress. France, who desires neither the triumph of Absolutism nor the victory of Socialism-France, who has made within the last thirty years more than one heavy sacrifice to the peace of the worldhas the right, to all appearance, to make heard pacific counsels which she may justify by her own example. Up to the last moment she will remind the rival powers of the great interests of civilization and humanity. If the voice

of wisdom is not heeded, the last service which France can render is to contribute to diminish, perhaps, the misfortunes of war-to abridge, perhaps, its duration-by refusing loudly all support to the hopes of those parties who might promise themselves to engage her sooner or later in the quarrel; by contradicting beforehand all the illusions which may be formed or feigned as to the disposition by which she is animated; by dissipating the doubts which might be spread as to her entire liberty of action. We have the will and the certainty of making order respected at home as we shall respect it abroad. In the midst of the disorder of a great war we could not suffer our frontier to be insulted. It is necessary that it should be known that every insolent provocation, every disturbing propaganda, should be severely punished.

"France can only fight if war is consented to by the Assembly ; really and in fact this is the case with every free government. War is impossible with such without the concurrence, at least indirect, of the deliberative power; and even this concurrence is manifested directly by the way of resolutions and addresses. But in our constitutional order, war depends formally on you-it is the Assembly who pronounces the decisive word. The neutrality of France will be a consecrated fact in Europe only when the National Assembly shall have pronounced these words, France is neutral.' The neutrality of Russia has been notified in an authentic document. The attitude has been taken and the engagement contracted. It is the duty of your loyalty, as well as of your prudence, to raise above

that is suitable to France. That neutrality is neither indifference nor impuissance. Such abstinence would be unworthy of a great nation. The only neutrality that can be fitting for France is that which, taking its principle in the sentiments of right, justice, and respect for the independence of States, leaves to each people to regulate as it pleases, and according to its own ideas-(Interrup tion on the Left; cries of and Rome,' and Rome!')—its internal affairs and policy, on the condition, however, of respecting the rights and legitimate interests of other nations.

"Permit me, Gentlemen, to enter here into some developments which will enable you better to understand the policy which we follow relative to Germany.

"In the midst of their divisions the German Governments agree generally in admitting that new circumstances render modifications of more or less importance necessary in the Federal Constitution of Germany, such as it has been established by treaties.

"The changes which may be introduced therein are of two kinds.. The one may relate to questions which had been regulated by the principal Powers, and which affect the general situation of Europe; the proportion of force between the members of the great political body, and the existence peculiar to some of these. Evidently, if the Germanic Governments think that it is their duty or the interest of Germany to enter on such questions, they will comprehend the necessity, before deciding on them definitively, of concerting with such Powers unconnected with Germany, as according to existing VOL. XCII.

treaties are entitled to be consulted in these great interests.

"Other changes may relate to points which, though exceedingly important undoubtedly to the internal organization of Germany, are, however, only secondary so far as the rest of Europe is concerned. In that case I have no need to say that France, like the other Powers placed in the same condition, would not have either any right nor any real interest to interfere in such changes-(Long interruption on the Left)—and that a sense of propriety even imposes on her a law not to express publicly an opinion on questions which do not concern her.

"After having thus clearly defined the nature of the neutrality which the Government is determined to guard in its foreign policy, I think it superfluous to give any further explanation to the Assembly on the affairs of Germany.

"I will now come at once to the object of the Bill submitted to you. "Gentlemen, your Committee proposes to you to vote the credits applied for to meet the expense required for calling out 40,000 men.

"Although the issue of the conferences of Olmütz appear to remove the chances of war, I think that the measure proposed is still necessary to guard against the eventualities connected with the phase into which German affairs are at present entering.

66

The Government has up to the present time endeavoured by every possible means to enforce in the councils of the foreign Powers the policy of conciliation which animates it. You cannot refuse at present the means which we demand to protect, in the interest of [T]

all Europe, those principles of order which are the preservatives of every society.

"In conclusion, Gentlemen, I have to say that the Government et the Republie does not hesitate openly its pacific in ce it desires peace, nd without equivocal confSequins ZE WERKnuss, and with a sepa qnument of the dignity of

Mmmanuel Arango moved the comment of the debate. The 4 was hand, he said, com»Perly changed since the project I law had been deposited. It was evident, from the result of the venterences of Olmutz, that the TWO SCIOUS CHises of the differences winch had ausen between The two great Powers were to a veces degree removed. France nie, moylanım her weutrality in N wo Governments who cored a teeny de peace. The scom we did he muless, may, sanaments

40,000 men and demand 8,460,000 francs, unless it was for domestic purposes? Had not the Govern ment at its disposal, to repress any subversive attempt, an army of 400,000 men, a numerous and vigilant police and gendarmerie, whose loyalty was celebrated in the Message of the President of the Republic? Peace and war required the same military force and sacrifices. What he considered most dangerous for his country was the perfect accord that prevailed between the Northern Powers of Europe. After the declaration made by General Lahitte, he should only add a few words to express his sympathy for Electoral Hesse. That country enjoyed during the last two years a Constitution which was not remarkable for Republicanism, but it breathed principles of liberality which would ultimately bear their fruits. He could not help rendering homage to the magistrates of the Duchy, whose noble conduct had elicited from the Prince of Hesse an additional proof of the contempt of Kings for their oaths.

General Fabvier, who followed, cundemned the resolution promusi by the Committee as imgeing the action of the Gowriment, but would gladly grant

K. Emmurel Arago, the next Shader Jera by asking the Commite 1. uræ the statement made jy de kimister je Foreign Affairs, i sal the resolution it Jou StraĚ V the approbation a the semier The reorganizafra Germany he said, involved stius puestion. France # # U the treaties Next BM 201stucted Germany as ** Stang, and it behoved her