inherent right to whatever is most necessary or most dear to the human race; that he can create distinctions where nature has made none; or invert the most striking she has ordained, by transferring homage and esteem from the wise, the valiant, and the humane, to dastards, fools and tyrants; these and a thousand other crimes and horrors can never alter the relation of things, sanctify oppression, or convert the blackest abuses of lawless power into a legal claim. LETTER LETTER II. I SHOULD have imagined that the gradual improvement the human understanding has been making, during the last century, would have so clearly led all mankind to the first principles of morals and politics, that we should in this enlightened age have seen no more controversies about their origin, than we do about the definitions of geometry; did not continual experience convince me of the difference between sciences which are merely speculative, and those which exercise the interest and ambition of mankind. But I fear that while one part of the nation shall be intent upon extending its claims and authority, the other too ignorant or too corrupted to oppose them, we shall never be without men who will prostitute their talents to the meanest purposes of encroaching power, and wage a desperate war' with the clearest deductions of reason. Could any one who was not versed in the doctrines of our modern politicians have discovered a more uncontrovertible prin ciple ciple than this, "that the end of every human government, and institution, is the good and safety of the people, not the interest of individuals, pursued at the expence of the general welfare?" Yet in how many different manners has this eternal truth been attacked and obscured! While the understandings of mankind were benumbed by the remains of popish superstition, that most formidable enemy to human reason and happiness, we saw despotism defended upon a few texts of scriptures ill understood or partially quoted. BecauseChristiants were in the infancy of Christianity, exhorted to turn their attention to their spiritual rather than their temporal concerns; because the professors of a sect in direct opposition to the established worship and government, were counselled to avoid every occasion of giving jealousy to their rulers, and drawing persecution upon themselves, it was logically concluded that all Christian people were bound to resign their lives, their fortunes and their understandings into the hands of every hereditary tyrant or fortunate usurper to whose caprices chance should expose it. Luckily, however, the revolution intervened, a precedent, as Judge Blackstone gravely observes, of a very singular nature, which has rescued us from the claims of hereditary domination, and made the most impudent defenders of arbitrary power a little cautious cautious of ascerting the divine right of Kings. But as the passions and nature of men are pretty similar, there are certain general principles of conduct which most orders of men arrive at in corresponding circumstances. Should I affirm, that it has been the spirit of the clergy in every age, to fetter the understandings of the multitude, and while they have no other nominal design than the glory of the Deity, to receive all homage and sacrifice in his name, shall I assert any thing repugnant to fact? Should insinuate that the body of lawyers has always been more intent upon preserving particular unintel ligible forms, whose explanation rendered its assistance necessary, than upon the advancement of universal jus▾ tice, shall I fear an information as a libeller? Should I assert that upon whatever pretexts, or with whatever motives standing armies have been introduced into free countries, never in a single instance, have they failed of becoming engines in the hands of tyrants, shall I be accused of any disrespect to our present patriotic legions, who are so forcibly pleading the cause of liberty, against those wicked Americans who have taken up arms to destroy it? I know indeed that a King can do no wrong; and I know that our present Ministers are too wise and too virtuous to attempt it; but should I say that Ministers have formerly existed, who turning their power power into the means of oppression, have endeavoured to exalt prerogative upon the ruins of public freedom, and to corrupt the representatives of the people with treasures derived from its own labours; that not contented with this, they have had the insolence to believe the nation as foolish as it was indolent, and to be duped out of its just pretensions, by arguments as weak as they are infamous, I believe the memory of most men will convince them I do not mistake. It is curious to remark the arts and industry with which these contemptible enemies of their country, repelled as often as they are resisted,and confuted as often as written against, return to the charge. It would seem strange that men who have reasoned upon every other supposition, and advanced every other system, except the truth, should not sometimes be right, if it were only by chance, or for the sake of variety; did we not know that they do that by design, which bad archers do by accident, lodge their arrows every where but in the mark. How else could any man be the dupe of the wretched quibbles, for I will not call them arguments, which are retailed by ministerial sycophants, against the common rights of the species, and the particular claims of their country? how else would they dare to advance principles |