ment. A decision of the issue formed by the demurrer in favor of New-York, would not necessarily put an end to the controversy out of which the suit has arisen; on the contrary, it is possible such a result might serve to increase the embarrassments which have been already produced by the conflicting claims. But without reference to the possible issue of the proceedings now pending in court, the interests of both States, and many other important considerations, concur at this time in recommending an adjustment of this question upon terms of honorable compromise. Although two unsuccessful attempts have heretofore been made to accomplish this object, yet on reviewing the proceedings, I do not perceive any difficulty that may not be removed by new efforts to bring about a proper accommodation. Viewing the subject in this light, I feel that I shall not be considered as wanting in a just regard to the rights or the honor of our State, when I submit to you the propriety of making provision by law for appointing commissioners with full powers, to meet those of New-Jersey, in case her Legislature should appoint them, with a view to such an adjustment of this question, as shall comport with the real interests, and define the future rights of both States. Such a measure on our part, even if it should not be met by a corresponding one on the part of NewJersey, could not in the slightest degree compromit our rights; but I have reason to believe that it would be received with a liberal and conciliatory spirit, and might in all probability ultimately lead to an adjustment beneficial to both States. Such an amicable termination of the controversy could not be otherwise than gratifying to the feelings of their respective citizens, who entertain congenial sentiments, and are united by the ties of kindred interests, and, to a great extent, of a common origin.

It is but a few weeks since the last surviving signer of the Declaration of Independence was gathered to his compatriots. Such an event is well calculated to excite feelings and reflections difficult to be suppressed, and not improper, perhaps, to be indulged, even on an occasion like this. The men who proclaimed our independence as a nation, were the most distinguished assemblage of sages and patriots that ever appeared in any country. The favor for which we should be most grateful, next to that of having such men for our forefathers, is the long life which it pleased a kind Providence to bestow on most of them. Some were permitted for nearly half a century after they had laid the foundations of our free government, to continue their invaluable labors in rearing thereon

a structure of human liberty which stands without a rival, challenging the admiration of the world.

That we might not lose too much at once-that we might be gradually prepared to pursue, without the strong light of their example, the career which they had opened, they were, one by one, withdrawn from us. The last is now gone; and on us is devolved the high responsibility of preserving unimpaired the most valuable inheritance that one generation ever transmitted to another.

In performing this most difficult duty, which we owe alike to those whom we have succeeded, to our own age, and to posterity, we are happily not without a guide. The history of their lives, and their recorded precepts are full of instruction, in regard not only to the great principles which lie at the foundation of our government, but to the practical rules concerning the administration of its affairs. While we enjoy the civil and political rights inherited from them, let us emulate their devoted patriotism; let us cultivate a spirit of forbearance and conciliation amid the conflicts which, as human nature is constituted, will inevitably arise from the discordant views of men with regard to the various interests of a great people; and let us continue our efforts, to the extent of ourabilities, to carry forward our country in the direction indicated by them, to a degree of prosperity and renown which shall equal their fondest anticipations.

Undervaluing the virtue and intelligence of the people, the enemies of our free government have constantly predicted, and some of its true friends have feared, that it would ere long be impaired, perhaps overthrown, by popular convulsions. Experience has thus far disappointed the hopes of the one, and greatly allayed the apprehensions of the other. As a nation, we have already encountered the severest trials, and our free institutions remain unimpaired. Some, entertaining a disparaging opinion of the virtue of the people, have deemed it necessary that those who are intrusted with public affairs, should be as far removed as possible from the influence of fluctuations in the popular will: and as their theory of administering the government required large powers, they have not hesitated to derive them from a latitudinarian construction of the constitution. Others have placed a confident reliance on the judgment of the people, regarding them as possessed not only of the sovereign power, but of a perfect right to have

their wishes respected by their public servants, and the authority conferred on them confined within the limits fixed in the instrument, by which that authority is delegated. The difference in these views has been, in my opinion, the principal cause of our party divisions. Those who entertained the views last described considered the elevation of our present patriotic chief magistrate of the United States, as a measure necessary to bring back the administration of our government to its true constitutional principles. Nearly every beneficial result anticipated in that event has been realized. Our foreign relations, involved as they were in the most serious embarrassments, have been placed in the best possible condition; our negotiations in almost every case brought, by persevering efforts and consummate ability, to a successful termination, and our country exalted to a higher consideration with foreign powers, than it has enjoyed at any former period.

The management of its internal affairs, not less difficult than that of its foreign relations, has called forth an equal display of wisdom and talent, and has been conducted with equal success. Abuses in the subordinate departments of the government have been corrected: its fiscal resources have been husbanded, and the public debt nearly extinguished; legislation, of doubtful authority and of equally doubtful utility, has been arrested by the salutary exercise of a high constitutional prerogative. So far as depended on the executive department, all that prudence required or wisdom could suggest has been done, to remove the causes of local excitement and to inspire general content; and a system of measures suited to our social condition, and congenial to the principles of our political institutions, has been fearlessly recommended to Congress for their adoption. If such an administration had not secured to itself the continuance of the public confidence, fears might well have been entertained for the stability of republican governments. Sustained as it has been against a combination of interests, the coalition of hostile parties, the use of extraordinary means, and the exertion of violent efforts, the auspicious result of the late contest may justly be regarded as a triumphant refutation of the fallacy, that the people are unworthy of being trusted with the unlimited control of their political affairs, and an unanswerable argument in favor of the durability of a free government, confided to the guardianship of intelligent and virtuous citizens.

I perform an unpleasant duty in laying before you, at the request of the Governor of South-Carolina, the proceedings of a recent convention of the people of that State. In expressing my unequivocal disapprobation of those proceedings, and my deep regret that a State which, in all past time, has so nobly performed her duty to the confederacy of which she is a member, should thus attempt to exonerate her citizens from the operation of the laws of the United States, I am persuaded I do but speak the universal sentiment of the people of this State. For the first time in the history of this republic, a claim has been set up, on the justly cherished ground of State rights, which, if well founded, belongs equally to all the members of the Union, but which is repudiated by all, and by none more earnestly than by those members who, in respect to the evils complained of, and for the redress of which the claim in question has been asserted, stand in precisely the same situation with the State of South-Carolina. Whatever, therefore, may be the nature and extent of the alleged grievances, I do not go too far, I trust, in assuming that the remedy to which our fellow-citizens of SouthCarolina have resorted, and on the strength of which they are apparently preparing for themselves the most fearful of all responsibilities, is not merely unauthorised by the Constitution of the United States, but fatally repugnant to all the objects for which it was framed. Let their doctrine be once established, and the union of these States is destroyed forever.

From a state of things so novel in its character, and so ruinous in its tendencies, duties of the highest importance, increasing in interest and delicacy, according to the course of events, may devolve on us as one of the members of the sacred union of these States. Whatever embarrassments may arise, I feel confident that the people and government of this State will support the Executive of the United States in all measures which are proper, and may be necessary for the preservation of the Union, and for the due execution of the laws, and will faithfully perform all their duties resulting from our national compact.

But I should be unmindful of the just and generous character of our constituents, if in expressing what I believe to be their sentiments, I did not at the same time disclaim for New-York all desire to aggrandize herself at the expense of her sister states, or to pervert to local purposes a system of government intended for the common benefit of all. She cherishes the union of these States.

She knows what it cost. She estimates, as highly as any other member, its value, both on account of the benefits it confers and the evils it averts; and it is not to be doubted, that she would make any sacrifice which would be considered reasonable to preserve it. Though its destruction would not certainly be more calamitous to her than to others, yet none will adhere to it longer or exceed her in great and generous efforts to sustain it. Without it, she might be prosperous; but her highest prosperity would be' embittered by regrets on account of the blessings lost to herself, her associates, and the world: With it, there is no policy that would be long pursued by a people so virtuous and enlightened as those of the United States, under which she could fail to be an important and flourishing commonwealth. If, therefore, the operation of existing laws be adverse to these views, I am persuaded New-York will consent to such a modification of them as will remove all just ground of complaint, and afford substantial relief to every real grievance.

The duty of deciding upon these points is committed, so far as our Státe has a voice in the discussion, to those who represent us in the Congress of the United States. To the wisdom and patriotism of that body, to the firmness and well-tried virtue of the President, and to the gracious care of a beneficent Providence, we may confidently commit the issue of the deeply interesting questions presented by the unprecedented state of the country.

One of the duties which will require your earliest action, is the selection of a citizen to fill the vacancy in the Senate of the United States, created by my resignation of the office of senator, which I hereby present to you. In the portents of the times you will find additional motives for exercising much care and consideration, in making this selection. Not only the general policy, but many of the particular measures of the national government exert an important influence upon the diversified pursuits of our constituents. How far this influence shall be beneficial, may depend in no inconsiderable degree, upon the character and capacity of those who represent us in the Senate of the United States.

On passing from one station to the responsible duties of another, I trust I may so far indulge in the expression of my feelings as to say, that while I have been very sensible of the favor, received in repeated instances from the Legislature, and recently from the people of this State, I have been at the same time equally diffident