WHAT FOLLOWED-HOW regarded.

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gress to restrain the practice of slave-holding in the public territories west of the Mississippi.

And it was regarded, moreover, as a finality—an adjustment in the nature of a solemn compact, which was to bind all subsequent Congresses and the people. It was so declared during the debate upon it by Senators Barbour, McLane, and William Pinckney, and in the House of Representatives by Samuel Smith, of Maryland, Charles Fenton Mercer, of Virginia, and Henry Clay. The National Intelligencer announced it as a question finally settled; and Niles' Register proclaimed, that the circumstances of the case gave this law a moral force equal to that of a positive provision of the Constitution; and that the Constitution existed in its observance. Like the English act of settlement, declaring the rights and liberties of subjects and settling the succession of the crown, it was intended to become, and was generally understood to be, irrepealable by common legislation. Freedom north of thirtysix degrees and thirty minutes, was supposed to be as impregnable as the treaty by which that region of country was purchased.

The passage of the Missouri Compromise, was the first violent contest between freedom and slavery, a contest that lasted over forty years. That was the first strongly contested field which slavery won; and it was followed, as we shall see, by a nearly unbroken series of future successes, her last real triumph being its repeal. That was the boldest dash she had yet made at the liberties of the people; and it was followed by such gross and wanton outrages, that they rose in their might, met the usurpers on the fields of Kansas in bloody strife, wrested the Government from her perfidious devotees, and taught her that hereafter, she should not rule the country. With the perception that her absolute and tyrannical control of the Government was passing away, came the resolve to ruin it,—a resolve, the bitter fruits of which have been a civil war of vast proportions and of terrible horrors.

CHAPTER III.

THE PANAMA CONGRESS-SLAVERY AND THE SOUTH

AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

Holy Alliance-President Adams' Message-Congress of the South American Republics-Commissioners Recommended - Debate on their AppointmentOpposed by the Slave-holders-They fear Black Consuls, &c. -Commissioners Appointed, but too late to attend the Congress-Heat and Violence of the Debate.

At the first session of Congress, in December, 1825, President Adams called attention to what was denominated the "Holy Alliance"-a combination of the leading monarchies of Europe, to check the progress of liberal ideas, and to the counter project of the Republics of Columbia, Central America and Mexico, to convene a Congress of American ministers at Panama, to consider the question of a united support of what was called the "Monroe doctrine," or the non-interference of foreign nations in the affairs of this country, by establishing colonies therein. Those Republics had appointed their representatives to such a meeting, and had invited the co-operation of this Government. The President recommended the appointment, as Commissioners to represent this Government, of John Sargeant, of Pennsylvania, and Richard C. Anderson, of Kentucky, and as their Secretary, Wm. B. Rochester, of New York.

The message was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, who reported adversely to the recommendation. They were unwilling to sanction the Monroe doctrine to the extent suggested. They admitted force in the request that had come up from General Bolivar, that the United States should lend its influence to the new Republics; yet they believed our path

DEBATE ON APPOINTING COMMISSIONERS.

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of duty as well as safety lay in the other direction—in avoiding alliances that might entangle our foreign relations. They also dissented from the President as to his right to institute the mission, without the previous advice and consent of the Senate; and claimed for Congress the right to decide directly upon its expediency. They acccordingly reported a resolution to the effect that it was inexpedient to send any ministers to that Congress.

An earnest and protracted debate ensued, which, in its course, opened again, as the greater portion of later Congressional debates have done, the slavery question. It was anticipated that there would be colored delegates to that body, with whom ministers from the United States could not associate without tacitly admitting their political equality—a concession which Southern Senators held to be entirely incompatible with the interests and safety of the "peculiar institution." Our relations with San Domingo would be involved in the proposed deliberations, which could not be in any respect changed because of the impossibility of accrediting from that people any black consuls or embassadors. The resolution was supported, for various assigned reasons, by Hayne, Benton, Woodbury, Berrien, White, Randolph, Dickerson, and Van Buren, and opposed by Holmes, Robbins, Johnson, and others; and at length negatived by a vote of twenty-four against nineteen.

"I spoke myself,” says Colonel Benton in his "Thirty Years' View," "on this question, and to all points which it presented, and on the subject of our relations with Hayti, on which a uniform rule was to be determined, or a rule with modifications according to the propositions of Columbia. I held that our policy was fixed, and could neither be altered nor discussed in any foreign assembly, and especially in the one proposed; all the other parties to which had already placed the two races, black and white, on the basis of political equality. I said our policy toward Hayti, the old San Domingo, has been fixed for

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COL. BENTON'S VIEWS.

three and thirty years. We trade with her, but no diplomatic relations have been established between us. We purchase coffee from her and pay her for it; but we interchange no consuls or ministers. We receive no mulatto consuls nor black embassadors from her. And why? Because the peace of eleven States in this Union will not permit the fruits of a successful negro insurrection to be exhibited among them. It will not permit black consuls and embassadors to establish themselves in our cities and to parade through our country, and give to their fellow blacks in the United States, proof in hand of the honors which await them for a like successful effort on their part. It will not permit the fact to be seen, and told, that for the murder of their masters and mistresses they are to find friends among the white people of these United States!

"No this is a question which has been determined here for three and thirty years; one which has never been open for discussion, at home or abroad, neither under the presidency of General Washington, of the first Adams, of Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison, or Mr. Monroe. It is one which cannot be discussed in this chamber, on this day; and shall we go to Panama to discuss it? I take it in the mildest supposed character of this Congress, shall we go there to advise and consult in council about it ? Who are to advise and sit in judgment upon it? Five nations who have already put the black man upon an equality with the white, not only in their Constitutions, but in real life-five nations who have at this moment, at least some of them, black Generals in their armies and mulatto Senators in their Congresses.”

Mr. Randolph made a furious, and, as he was wont to do, a sneering opposition to an appropriation for this object, on account of its quasi-recognition of the political rights of the black man. He ridiculed the grave attention which the appeal of General Bolivar had received in high quarters, and particularly from the President, characterized the Central and South American

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revolutions as a mere "row among the mixed breeds, negroes, mulattoes, and creoles," denounced their pretended patriotism as a thing as different from the principles of rational liberty as "the frantic orgies of French bacchanals;" and finally moved a resolution inquiring of the President what were the principles and practices of the motley inhabitants of those. pretended States touching the subject of negro slavery.

American people, and espe

"Let him," said Mr. Randolph, "let the President whose message is before the world, act. Let him act, and upon his own responsibility; but let the cially that part of them who reside south of the Ohio river and Mason and Dixon's line, know what are the deputies whom hereafter we are likely to receive in return from them, in character and color, to our Congress. That is what I want to see. I want this to open their eyes. I want, instead of public opinion re-acting upon us from uniformed public bodies, however respectable, and from toasts given at public dinners, however respectable the guests, a holy alliance of liberty, or an opposition to a holy alliance of tyrants. I want the good sense of the people of the United States to be informed as to the fact; having the most perfect reliance on their decision when they have the facts, and having a disposition to submit most implicitly to that decision whether it shall agree with my opinion or not. The island of Cuba is in a state of alarm from a threatened invasion from these Spanish American States; and the chief cause of that alarm arises from the principles of those States in reference to this very question.

"Cuba, possessing an immense negro population, which has been increased since the destruction of San Domingo incalculably by importation as well as by natural means-Cuba lies in such a position in reference to the United States, and especially to the whole country on the Gulf of Mexico, as that the country may be invaded from Cuba in row-boats, and in case those States should invade Cuba at all, it is unquestion