propriety of assuring his Majesty of the gratitude with which they received his speech. In expressing that assurance, a language was employed, which to him appeared to commit the House to certain points upon which they were not adequate ly informed. For himself, he would approve of continuing to support Spain so long as any hope remained; but he was not prepared to thank his Majesty for a treaty, of the conditions and engagements of which he was wholly ignorant. It was not impossible, when the treaty came to be discussed, that he might approve it; but until the documents were before him, he must suspend his opinion, and, above all things, decline to pledge himself to an unreserved approbation of the measure. Be. fore he could come to a proper decision on this subject, he must also obtain some information respecting the state of Spain. At no period within his memory was there so much spirit, so much loyalty and zeal in the country, and yet, at the same time, so much dissatisfaction. It was a dissatisfaction not arising from a turbulent disposition in the people of this country, or from any marked reverses, or from the pressure of the public burdens, but a dissatisfaction produced by a feeling most honourable to the nation. The dissatisfaction was proportioned to the zeal and expectation of the country. It was not content either with the extent of the exertions that had been made to aid the Spaniards, or with the manner in which they were employed. Some statement, he trusted, would be made to allay this very laudable feeling of the public mind. His Lordship here declared, that he rose chiefly for the purpose of qualifying the assent he should give the greatest part of the address. With the reservation he had made, and that the means which would be liberally given would not be misemployed; that the sacrifices of blood and treasure that the people of this country were disposed, beyond all example, to make, would be spent for the glory of the nation, and the honour of his Majesty's crown, he would give his assent to the address. He wished, however, not to be considered as committing himself to its full extent, but merely as concurring in that part which recommends a vigorous prose cution of the war, and expresses a determination to assist Spain, so long as Spain shall prove true to herself. He also concurred in the expediency of increasing our military means in proportion to those of the enemy with whom we have to con

tend.

Lord Grenville complained of Ministers pledging the country and the House to the extent of calling out the force of the coun

try, for a war in the interior of Spain. He had no hesitation in thus declaring it would be fatal in the extreme. They should reflect that they are about to send 40,000 to contend with 500,000. Scandalous delays had taken place, both here and in Portugal; two months elapsed after the battle of Vimiera, before a single soldier leaves Portugal for Spain; and two months more before a single musket is fired at the enemy. By that time the armies of Spain are overthrown, her provinces over-run, and the tyrant triumphs. As to the armistice and convention in Portugal, the sense of the country was so roundly expressed upon these, that all he could say respecting them, would be but echoing the indignant sentiments of the whole nation, so well, and so deeply, and universally expressed. All he would add to these expressions were, that if Ministers intended to meet the enemy in the plains of Portugal, they should have sent out cavalry, and if they intended that we should attack them in their fortifications, they should have sent out artillery in a greater proportion. The conclusion to be drawn from the report of the Board of Inquiry was, that it was not the Generals but the Ministers that were to be blam. ed. His Lordship then adverted to America. He signified in strong terms his astonishment that Ministers pursued such crooked policy towards that country; so far from thinking that the embargo was beneficial to this nation, he considered it as one of the most unfortunate events attendant upon the war. His Lordship noticed a difference between the language of Ministers in the declaration, and that used in the speech, respecting the proposals from Erfurth; and concluded with observing, that if we sent our best officers and our best troops to Spain, the country would be lost.

Lord Liverpool said, that the address, as it was worded, pledged the House only to that general support of the Spanish cause which was consonant to the sentiments entertained by all ranks of people in this country, whatever their opinions might be as to the system of operations that had been' adopted, as contrasted with any other which they might think more eligible. With regard to the question of where the British troops should first act, he could truly assert, that Sir Arthur Wellesley had proceeded on to Portugal, in consequence of the decision of the Junta at Corunna; that the expulsion of the French from that country was the most essential service which he could do to the cause of Spain. They looked to the embarrassment that must have risen from having to combat the hostile armies entering on the side of the Pyrennees,

while a numerous French force was at the same time ready to fall on their rear from Portugal. The Noble Lord had recommended coast expeditions, instead of penetrating into the heart of Spain, and yet the only coast expedition which was practicable, and which had been successful in a degree almost unprecedented, was the subject of his censure. Was it not by the coast expedition of General Spencer, who landed at Ayamonte, that the French in Portugal were prevented from effecting a junction with Dupont?-As to the other objection of the Noble Lord, that of sending a large force into the heart of Spain, he would say, that great risks must be run, where great objects were to be obtained-But was there not, in what the Spaniards had done, —was there not, in the moral and physical state of the country, every thing that could form an inducement to the most vigorous and extensive assistance. There were provinces in Spain which had singly resisted a powerful enemy in the country for centuries. If the hearts of the people were resolutely bent on continued opposition to the invaders, history afforded examples of such a spirit proving finally triumphant, after a struggle of many years duration. The expedition to Portugal was not dispatched in an unprovided state. On the contrary, when that came to be particular ly discussed, he would be ready to prove that its equipment was in every respect as complete as any expedition that had ever sailed from the British ports. It was not only sufficiently provided with artillery, but in that particular department our military character had acquired fresh lustre, and extorted even the praise of our adversaries, two thirds of whose artillery were in our hands in the course of a few days from the opening of the campaign, entirely owing to our superiority in that particular department of the army. He would not now enter into an examination of the merits or demerits of the convention of Cintra ; but was surprised how the Noble Lord could construe the censure expressed in the speech against some of the articles into an unqualified disapprobation of the whole-He could assure the Noble Lord and the House, that nothing was more remote from the intention of Ministers than to involve the country in a war with America. He should think that the admission made by the Noble Lord, that the Govern ment of that country evinced a partiality for France, would furnish a solution of the circumstances which led to the present state of things between the two countries. The embargo could not have been, nor was it at first alledged to have been laid on in consequence of the orders in Council, because

the American Government could not then have known that such a measure was actually in agitation. But in a subsequent com munication to Mr Erskine, Mr Madison stated that the probability of such orders being issued, was one of the causes of the embargo. If this was true, the probability could only have arisen from their reasoning upon the threat held out in the order of January 7, 1807, and the principles laid down in the order of May 1806, both of which could be justified on no other ground than that of a right in this country to retaliate. But while this probability was of sufficient weight to impose the embargo as a measure of precaution against this country, not one word was said of the original injustice of the enemy, which had led to the issuing of our orders.-Even the proposal of July last to this Government, and that of France, shewed a bias in favour of the latter. To France the inducement to revoke the decree of Berlin was war with England; to us the advantage held out was only the continuance of the embargo with respect to France. His Lordship concluded with a few remarks on the flourishing state of our commerce and fi

nances.

Lord Moira decidedly differed both from his Noble Friend and Ministers, as to the conduct which should have been adopted with respect to Spain. There was a period in the war when the force which we now had there would have been sufficient to have stopped the passes of the Pyrennees, and led to the capture of every Frenchman in that country. This was the only plan which presented any chance of a successful issue. It was the rock split in the desert, but we had neglected to drink of the fountain. The consultation with the people of Corunna, in the then state of things, was as ridiculous as if a Commander were to go to consult the inhabitants of Penzance what should be done if the enemy were to land in Scotland. His Lordship entered, at some length, into the question of the convention of Ciutra, and declared, that his opinion, as a Member of the Board of Inquiry, was, that no blame attached to the Commanders in a military point of view. The only error of that transaction being of a political nature, and therefore not within the constitutional scope of the powers vested in the Board. The result of their decision was to render an inquiry into the conduct of Ministers indispensably necessary, as they alone were responsible for the political conduct of the expedition.

Lord Erskine generally censured the conduct of Ministers, and more especially their rejection of the conciliating overture from America; the effect of which, he conceived,

would

would have been to place that country in a state of war with France, if the latter persisted in her decrees of blockade.

The Lord Chancellor and Lord Mulgrave asserted that Ministers had no design to inflame the misunderstanding with America; but that they would not deprecate her hostility, at the expence of our own dearest and most important rights. With regard to the other topics that had been adverted to, both the Noble Lords professed their readiness to enter into them in detail on a future day, in vindication of the conduct of themselves and their colleagues. The question on the address was then put and carried nem. diss.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Thursday, January 19. After the House had gone up to the House of Lords, and returned, the Clerk presented a bill for preventing clandestine outlawries, which was read a first time.

After the Speaker had read the speech, delivered in the Upper House by the Lords Commissioners, Mr Robinson rose, and, in his maiden speech, took a view of the circumstances in which this country stood in the present arduous contest with France. He alluded to that part of the speech where his Majesty calls upon the country for a vigorous prosecution of the war as the best and only means of obtaining a permanent and lasting peace. In his opinion there could be no doubt but that the people of this empire, who had so zealously supported the Spanish cause against the ty ranny and rapacity of Bonaparte, would readily come forward in support of Ministers in the prosecution of this great cause. He thought a vigorous war preferable to temporizing measures. We were intimate ly allied to Spain, and we were pledged to her to resist the tyranny and infamy of the ruler of France, who had stolen away the King and his son Ferdinand. The despot of France was forging chains for Spain, which he trusted would be burst asunder by the energies of the Spaniards, aided by our Ministers, who had distinguished themselves for the promptitude they had evinced since the struggle began. After some further remarks, the Hon. Gentleman concluded by moving an address, which, as usual, was an echo of the speech.

Mr S. Lushington seconded the motion. He stated that he felt deeply the evils that would result from France subjecting Spain, and he relied on the generous principles of the Spaniards, for their complete emancipation from French degradation. The feelings of this country, he was happy to think, were congenial with those of Spain, and

there could be no question but that Spain would ever entertain high sentiments of gratitude for the interference of this country. Under these impressions, he felt Ministers were entitled to the gratitude and thanks of their country, for the fortitude they exhibited in sending assistance to Spain in the bold and independent manner they had done. The address proposed by his Hon. Friend met his most cordial approbation. He concluded by stating it as his opinion, that the best way of obtaining peace was by an offensive war against France, and by augmenting our military strength. The question was then put, when

Mr Ponsonby rose, and in a speech of some length took a review of the conduct of Administration. He said he must feel for the conduct of those men who had unfortunately been appointed to the Government of the country. In the course of the last year these men of vigour had entered into a treaty with the King of Sweden, by which they were to pay, as a subsidy to that Prince, 100,000l. a-month. In that treaty there was a private stipulation, specifying military aid by England. How far that military aid was supplied, might be known from Sir John Moore's expedition, which went to Gottenburgh, and returned withous doing any thing. Ministers had since then very properly conferred on that gallant and meritorious officer the command of the army in Spain. Mr Ponsonby, as a fresh instance of the activity and superior intelligence of these men of vigour, said, that in the expedition against Denmark they had brought away no sailors; and that the Danes were at this very moment most actively employed in hostility to our mercantile trade in the Baltic; nay, more, the Danish navy was more active against our trade than the navy of any other power in Europe. The expedition to Sweden returned in a way disgraceful to the country that had sent it out. The attempt of Bonaparte at the subjugation of Spain, he would readily allow, had excited a most laudable spirit of enthusiasm in this country, highly honourable to its character. But he complained that the mode of warfare carried on by Ministers was not the proper mode, but was just the reverse. Instead of sending armies to Spain, Ministers ought to have supported the Spaniards with arms, and left them to themselves for a season, until they should ascertain the progress they had made in resisting the encroachments of Bonaparte. A vast quantity of blood and treasure had been sacrificed, and Spain was still liable to danger. They had sent Sir Arthur Wellesley to Portugal, with a sort of roving commission; they wished to deliver Portugal, the smaller kingdom, from the

French

French yoke; but Sir Arthur Wellesley's force was not large enough completely to produce that effect, or to keep the field against the French. General Wellesley had been ordered by Ministers to expel the French from Portugal, which he did, after consulting with the Junta of Gallicia. But what, he would ask, had been the conduct of ministers? Spain was safe; and ought, as being the greater country, to have been protected by Ministers: But no such thing was done. Portugal, the smaller country, was succoured, while Spain was left wholly unprotected by this country, and only defended by the zeal of her own inhabitants. He was happy to understand, from the speech delivered, that his Majesty disapproved of certain stipulations in the convention of Cintra; and if he was not greatly mistaken, that fact had been industriously concealed by Ministers till this very night. He confessed he knew little of the matters in Spain, Ministers being so very taciturn that they had kept all the intelligence they got to themselves, and doled it out in petty hints among their friends. This was not the way in which the people of England ought to be treated. They had generously come forward, and it was a bad return for the spontaneous effusion which burst forth throughout the whole empire. He then repeated that the expedition had failed from the want of cavalry and artillery, there being only 200 cavalry. The Noble Lord (Castlereagh,) he said, had, last year, with tears in his eyes, made many attacks on Mr Windham, and his military system. (A ery of Hear! from the Opposition.) Commanders in Chief succeeded each other like relays of post horses on a road. (A laugh.) The Hon. Gentleman concluded by saying that he did not mean to propose any amendment to the address; he should, however, give notice, that on an early day he should call the attention of the Honse to the convention of Cintra, and to the conduct of Ministers, in regard to the army they had sent to Spain. After some allusions to the reproof the corporation of London had received from Ministers, but not from the King, the Hon. Gentleman concluded by giving his support to the address.

Lord Castlereagh said, the speech of the Rt. Hon. Gentleman (Mr Ponsonby) was rather of a prudent cast, and not in that animated style in which another Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr Sheridan) had, in the last sessions, represented the aiding Spain as paramount to all other duties. The Right Hon. Gentleman who spoke this night, seemed to think it was very improper and imprudent for a British army to enter Spain, without having some cautionary towns and forts surrendered to us, to secure our re

treat in case of calamity. For his part, he knew of no town of that sort which could be surrendered, except Cadiz; for as to Ferrol, it was not a town capable of answering the object proposed, nor of protecting the embarkation of the arnty. Now, as it was evident that if we were to make any operations at all, they must be in the North of Spain, he could not conceive that a proposal would be well received in that country for surrendering a town quite without the line of our military operations. If we had made such a proposal to that generous and high-spirited nation, he could not conceive that we could have thrown a greater apple of discord. As to another disposition of the forces which had been mentioned, that of sending Sir Arthur Wellesley's force of 9000 men to the Pyrenees, to cut off the communication between the 60,000 French troops who were in Spain, and the rest of the 500,000 disposable troops of which the Right Honourable Gentleman stated their army to consist, the bare statement of such a plan must convince the House of its absurdity. He would venture to say, from the melancholy experience of the fate of General Blake's army, that if a British army had landed at St Andero, and scrambled as far as General Blake advanced, none of them would ever have come back. He was convinced that there was not a single military man who would support the idea of a campaign in the Pyrennees for a British army. The noble Lord spoke briefly to most of Mr Ponsonby's observations, and concluded, by remarking, that if the Right Honourable Gentleman had really no other advice to offer to the House and the Country, than what he had stated, he rejoiced that his Majesty's Government had adopted other measures.

Mr Whitbread made an animated speech, and arraigned Ministers for having propagated the joyful news of the termination of the campaign in Portugal, and it was some weeks thereafter that the victory of Vimiera was gained by Sir Arthur. He trusted this session would be one of retrenchment and economy, and that a correction of all public abuses would take place. He wished to know why no mention was made of America in the King's Speech. Was America considered of too little consequence, or were there persons in this country who wished for an American war? He heard the same irritating language held out now respecting America, as there existed previous to the last war, which ended so disastrously. As to the orders in council, he wished to ask Ministers how their mighty predictions respecting the injury which those orders were to inflict on the enemy, had been fulfilled? The enemy were not

starved