hands into those of the U. S., who will be able to manage both for the general interest and conveniency. By securing, also, the exclusive jurisdiction of the Mississippi to the mouth, a source of much perplexity and collision is effectually cut off. The communications of your colleague hither have fully betrayed the feelings excited by your message, and that he was precipitating the business soon after your arrival, without respect to the measure of the government, to yourself, or to the advantage to be expected from the presence and co-operation of the more immediate depository of the objects and sensibilities of his Country. It is highly probable that if the appeal to the French Government had been less hackneyed by the ordinary minister, and been made under the solemnity of a joint and extraordinary embassy, the impression would have been greater and the gain better.

What course will be taken by his friends here remains to be seen. You will find in the Gazettes a letter from Paris, understood to be from Swan, indorsing a copy of his memorial, representing it as the primary cause of the cession, praising the patriotism which undertook so great a service without authority, and throwing your agency out of any real merit, while, by good fortune, it snatched the ostensible merit. This letter, with the memorial, has been published in all our papers; some of them making comments favorable to Mr. Livingston, others doing justice to you, others ascribing the result wholly to the impend ing rupture. Another letter from Paris has been published, which makes him Magnus Apollo. The publication of the memorial is so improper, and in reference to the writer invites such strictures, that from him is not to be presumed. The passages against England have not escaped the lash. It would not be very wonderful if they were to be noticed formally or informally by the British Legation here.

My public letter will show the light in which the purchase of all Louisiana is viewed, and the manner in which it was thought proper to touch the policy of Mr. Livingston, in complaining that the communication did not authorize the measure, notwithstanding the information given that he was negociating

for more than the East side of the Mississippi. The pecuniary arrangements are much disrelished, particularly by Mr. Gallatin. The irredeemability of the stock, which gives it value above par, the preference of the conditions to the true object in the cash payment, and the barring of a priority among them, are errors most regarded. The claims of the different creditors rest on principles as different.

Governor Mercer has taken the field as a candidate for the State Legislature, against four with whom he has been on the same party. The inclosed print will give you an idea of the violence of the contest, and of the personalities growing out of it. His object is to set the State to rights on certain points. He expects to accomplish it by a skilful management of parties. It is difficult to calculate the precise result of this project, either as it relates to the public or to himself. It is probable that he will sink under it, or that he will throw the State off its centre, and possible that both may happen.

I have received no letter from you or Mr. Livingston since the arrival of Mr. Hughes, and consequently know nothing of your subsequent movements. The public letters by this conveyance were written under an ignorance whether you would be found at Paris, London, or Madrid. I observe a paragraph from an English paper says you had left Paris for Madrid, which I presume to be founded in fact. I hope you will give the proper cue to Spain, and carry all our points with her. Avoid the error committed with France with respect to the Creditors.

TO THOMAS PAINE.

ORANGE COURT-HOCSE, VIRGINIA, August 20, 1803.

DEAR SIR, Your letter of the 6th having arrived at Washington after I had left it, no answer could be given through the gentleman who was charged with it. The report to which it refers, that the British Government had cautioned ours not to pay the money for Louisiana, for that they meant to take pos

session of it, is utterly destitute of foundation. The British Government has, on the contrary, expressed its satisfaction with the cession, and, although the terms of it might not at the time be particularly known, yet as a price was to be presumed, and as the bargain was made bona fide, and even communicated prior to the commencement of hostilities, there can be no pretext whatever for complaint, nor is there the least ground for supposing that it will take place.

TO JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, Oct. 10, 1803. DEAR SIR, Finding that Mr. Purveyance is within reach of a few lines, I add them to what he is already charged with, to observe that Yrujo has written another remonstrance against our acquisition of Louisiana, alleging as a further objection, that France, by not obtaining the stipulated acknowledgments of the King of Etruria from the Courts of Petersburg and London, had a defective title herself to the Cession. Nothing can be more absurd than these cavils on the part of Spain, unless it should be her using in support of them force against our taking possession. This she will scarcely attempt, if not backed by France, which we hope is impossible. I am writing on this subject to Livingston and Pinckney. I have already done so to Yrujo, giving him to understand that we shall not withhold any means that may be rendered necessary to secure our object. Pichon is perfectly well disposed, is offended with the Spanish Minister, and, if left under the orders he now has, will co-operate zealously, with an honest view to the honor and obligations of his own Country. On our part, I trust every thing that the crisis demands will be done, and that we shall speedily be in possession of the valuable object which the Treaty with France has gained for us. Baring is here, but having not yet called on me I have had no opportunity of paying him civilities, or obtaining explanations from him. I wait anxiously for your next. Your last was of Aug. 15. I hope you have been favorably

received, and will bring the British Government more and more to understand their own interests, as well as our rights. Insist on instructions to all their naval officers to abstain from impressments and to respect our jurisdictional rights. Incidents are daily occurring which, otherwise, may overcome the calculating policy of the present Executive, and provoke the public temper into an irresistible impetus on the public Councils. Mr. King says, that if he could have remained a little longer, the British Government might possibly have been brought into a contract guarding against this evil; but that the business is to be effected at that Court by the United States, not so well by formal notes and official discussions as by the frankness and familiarity of explanatory and expostulatory observations in private disI give you this in confidence, as a hint that may be useful. Mr. Purveyance had seized your wishes before I returned hither, and I did not know till this moment that he had not sailed. I write in great haste to secure the present mail, which is the only one that promises a conveyance by him. He will give you much public and all private information.

course.

TO BARBE MARBOIS.

DEPT OF STATE, Nov 4, 1803.

SIR, I received your favor of the 21 prairial, with a pleasure which is redoubled by the consideration that I am able, in acknowledging it, to inform you of the formal approbation of the late Treaty, and by every branch of our Government. The event establishes, I hope forever, perfect harmony between the two Countries. It is the more likely to do so, as it is founded in a policy, coeval with their political relations, of removing as much as possible all sources of jealousy and collision. The frankness and uprightness which marked the progress of this transaction are truly honorable to all concerned in it; and it is an agreeable circumstance that, in the exchange of ratifications, it was closed in the same spirit of mu

tual confidence, Mr. Pichon inferring, doubtless with the truest reason, that an unqualified exchange, under actual circumstances, would best accord with the real views of his Government.

It remains now to compleat the work by an honest execution of the mutual stipulations. On our part, the sequel will certainly correspond with the good faith and prompt arrangements thus far pursued; and full reliance is placed on the reciprocal disposition of your Government, of which so many proofs have been seen.

The interposition of Spain is an incident not more unexpected than it is unreasonable. It is to be wished that it may terminate without any serious consequences, even to herself. Whatever turn it may take, the honour of the French Government guaranties the object at which our measures are pointed; and the interest of France will equally lie in making the fruits of these measures hers, as well as ours.

I partake, Sir, in all the satisfaction which you feel at an event which awakens recollections, both of a public and private nature, so agreeable to both of us; and I pray you to be assured that I observe with sincere pleasure, in the share you have contributed to it, those enlarged views and honorable principles. which confirm the high esteem and distinguished consideration with which I remain, D' sir, your friend and Serv*.

TO MR. MARBOIS, (BUT NOT SENT.)

DR SIR, I have duly received the volume relating to the Equestrian Statue of Henry 4th, with one of the Medals to which it gave rise, for both which I offer you my thanks.

The volume is not only a valuable present to Artists, but is enriched with articles of information which make it interesting to the curious who are not artists. I observe that it justly records your essential agency in this National Monument, and have not overlooked the fine morsel of appropriate sentiment