agreement with Salvador to invade Guatemala from both sides, Mexico to get some of the interior territory Alvarado needs for exploitation, and Salvador a port on the Caribbean, is common talk; it is heard everywhere, both in Mexico and Guatemala, and with a suggestion that some outside influence prevented its consummation. As to other diplomatic efforts, in which Manuel Ugarte, with his Pan-Latinism, and our exceedingly able traveler, Luis Cabrera, have had their part, one cannot here speak. But I can quote from two letters, the originals of which I was permitted to see. The first was written by a man in Mexico City, a Mexican, in position to get first-hand knowledge of events, to a friend in the south, a Mexican:

Feb. 5, 1918. I to-day confirm my impressions of the terrible situation in which Mexico finds herself from the outrages and robberies of the Carrancista soldiers and officers. It is demonstrated clearly that the neutral policy of Carranza is solely a chimera, a pretext, for having seen for some time that his government must rely on the support of one or the other belligerent in the present war, he took decidedly the side of the Central Empires, without our being able as yet to see all his reasons; though for my part it seems because of the suggestions of his chief military officers who admire the attitude of the Germans, with Ugarte and their other admirers who never cease saying we must never forget 1847. We know that the German Minister offered Carranza 60,000,000 dollars, elements to equip an army of 400,000 men, and a seat in the council of world peace to reclaim the rights of the Mexicans in the United States. The negotiations of Nieto in Washington were a failure, in spite of the contrary as asserted by the Carrancista press, for it seems that they are coming to suspect Carranza's real attitude. Mexico will have to be a faithful ally of Germany, to the detriment of her sympathies.

Feb. 27, 1918. All the revolutionary leaders of the north and south are now united for the restoration of our great Constitution of 1857; but we must not be asleep, for though the public opinion is unanimous against Carranza and his circle of bandits and assassins, we must look out for the final convulsions which will mark the agony of Carrancismo, for these men are capable of anything so long as they can continue a little longer in robbing the public posts; and there is much talk of a secret treaty between Carranza and the Republic of Salvador to invite the greater number of American nations to the taking of decisive action against the United States, and in favor of Germany, which is paying for these steps on Carranza's part. In all this we see that an international conflict is very easy. The enemies now have wireless communication direct with the Germans; and this, with the other acts of Carranza, can place us later at the mercy of the United States, which will consider us as their enemies on account of the imprudence of this group.

The two following letters were written by an old schoolmate of General Meixueiro, an Oaxacan, as shown by the deference to the patria chica, and a personage intimately close to Carranza; the letters themselves show themselves written at the latter's direction. Note also the fact that in them General Meixueiro is given his full official title as General of Division (of the Oaxaca State forces) thus treating him as a belligerent; compare what has been said herein on State sovereignty and the Oaxaca action. The letters use the "thou" of close personal intimacy, and were written a short time before I passed through Oaxaca last Spring. General Meixueiro showed me the letters and permitted me to take the copies:

Señor General of Division, Lic. Guillermo Meixueiro: wherever he may be found.

My dear friend: I begin this letter giving you the general status. of our position, which is complicated by the European war. The Government inclines to the German side, and the numerous colony living in the United States, by the law of economic gravitation, will bring what capital they can save, and in self-preservation will cross our borders to take refuge in Mexico. Besides, it appears that our country will be the point of concentration of all the Teutons in America, in view of the fact that the other American nations have placed themselves on the side of the Allies. The Government has 24 towers for wireless telegraphy, cartridge-making machinery directed by Germans, a school and shop for aviation, also in German charge, so that we are involved in the greatest contest known to history.

In view of the reinforcements which our Government receives in capital and men, for every German is a soldier, for the future war in our territory, I have believed proper to treat with you on the delicate question of the political problem of Oaxaca. I know your valor and sincerity, your love for Oaxaca, your disinterested aims, and all that I have reviewed in my mind before writing you the present letter. If there be any error of appreciation on my part, pardon it, for no other thing guides me than love for the patrio chica and my affection for the friend and brother of my infancy.

The same official person whom I presented to you in Nov., 1915, intervenes in the present matter. At that time there was considered an approachment between the element of the Oaxaca Sovereignty which you represent, and the Government de facto, the same matter as is now in consideration; and if an agreement were arrived at, it would be with the Central Constitutional Government on the eve of its establishment. This government is well disposed to arrive at an understanding; but in view of the fact that the former time when propositions were made, no agreement was reached because you did not reply, to-day I desire to know what are your desires or conditions to start an ending of the contest. You will understand that the discussion includes the effective guarantees which shall be enjoyed by

you and the other officers who operate under your orders, of the matter of confiscated interest, liberty of person, of the establishment of the Constitutional Authorities in Oaxaca by means of new elections; and it has also been considered that until an agreement is arrived at, you may continue your revolutionary efforts, without being charged with perfidy. Finally, the matter was put upon the board that if the security of your person and family or the education of your children should require, as precautionary means on your part, your living outside of Mexico, you will be indemnified for all the damage you have received in your interests during this long period, as a mark of the fact that your revolution has pursued no other than a political end.

General Meixueiro's answer will be gathered from the following reply:

Señor General, Lic. Guillermo Meixueiro, Ixtlán de Juárez. Very dear friend:

I have your valued letter of recent date, by which I see that in spite of our initiatives you still do not consent to an agreement with our Government because you do not consider it legitimate, and because you believe that its policy is not the one beneficial to Mexico in these critical moments. You desire that the Constitution of 1857 be reëstablished, and say that everything that is being done is null because Carranza had no authority to set aside that Constitution and substitute that of Querétaro. That is a matter of opinion, and you should consider that the new political code given to the Republic, rather than a new constitution is only a reform of that of 1857, a reform of much timeliness, principally in what touches the clergy and the foreigners, for these are absorbing many of the rights of Mexicans. Study it calmly.

With respect to the political actuation of our Government, I have read your arguments, and I do not see how you can forget the offenses we have suffered from our northern neighbor. You say that Governments should not act from mere sympathies or antipathies nor from a spirit of vengeance, and that those who are our enemies to-day may to-morrow be our best friends. But, do you believe that the Yankees can ever be our friends? Disenchant yourself, my dear friend; the Yankees do not love us; what they love is our wealth and our territory and they will take it whenever they can, and the present Government does right in taking its precautions-yet with prudence in order not to precipitate a rupture before the time, for an immediate rupture with the neighboring Republic would swamp us. At this moment we need building iron for factories which does not come because Mexico does not define her attitude, and our neighbors think the iron is for Germany. We need the paper from the National Paper and Type Co. that our press may not disappear. Remember, too, that our drugs and a large part of the food of Mexico comes from the United States; we must, therefore, move with caution. Ugarte went away as Private Secretary of the President on a secret mission. Do not insist on your position and aid us for the unification of all Mexican parties.

If the conflicts between your forces and the Constitutionalists who are in Oaxaca are suspended, the blood thus spared will serve for another and proximate occasion.

These letters represent the two sides of Mexico in the question. In support of this, I talked during the latter part of 1917 and the first half of 1918 with every class of Mexican, from Indians to planters of the old régime in Yucatan, and Cientificos in Mexico, and moderates everywhere, as well as constant talks with Alvaradists and Carrancista officers and officials; I rode all through southern Mexico, seeing the ordinary daily life of the people, talking with all classes of revolutionaries from soldiers and petty officers to Félix Díaz, Zapata and Meixueiro, and spending full time discussing with these leaders and their subordinates the present situation in every respect. Mexico, outside of Carrancista circles, is our friend; it is also in desperation, and crying to us; it is absolutely pro-Ally, and anti-German. The case is a clear one: the Carranza policy is a political one, against us, to which he is sacrificing the inner condition of the country; but the Mexicans outside his ranks see that alliance with Germany would only mean for Mexico what it did for Russia, even if Germany had won; and they see Mexico's future in friendship with us.

If we would permit it, if we would recognize the facts from the world-standpoint, that assumed diplomatic regularity is being used intentionally to hold us off and for no other purpose, as Germany hoped to do first with England and then with us, till the better time; if we would recognize the Mexican people whose welfare we have at heart, instead of the Carranza Government which has betrayed the Mexican Revolution as Lenine did the Russian; if we would only go no further than was done by the Carranza Government itself in the letters above, and recognize the belligerency of the legitimate State Government of Oaxaca, the whole matter would be settled by an immediate declaration of alliance by that Sovereignty, carrying with it all the rest of the Revolutionary movement through the whole Republic. We would lose Carranza, and with him the danger which he and the German Minister are fomenting, that we be drawn into attacking Mexico on the northern border, or in Tampico; all danger of the rupture between us and the Mexicans would cease, for the Carranza Government could not last if the Revolutionists got the ammunition they need.

The interior condition is wholly misunderstood in this country. It is not a case of more or less widespread banditry, pillage. It is a political movement, it is unified, and all the parties are in communication and coöperation, slowly strengthening themselves and pinching in the Carranza Government amidst the growing hatred of the whole people, and its economically critical situation.

The present movement is a unified political revolution to restore constitutional government, wipe out the socialistic legislation, and come back to a position of respect internationally. From a military point, the country is controlled by three main forces, in coöperation: Félix Díaz commanding in Chiapas, Vera Cruz, the Tehuantepec isthmus, and part of Puebla; the Oaxaca State forces under Meixueiro; Zapata commanding in Morelos, part of Puebla and Guerrero; Guerrero also seceded lately, and State forces there coöperate; up the west side and through the north various military leaders; on the east coast in the oil district, Peláez. The southern contingents have definite political programmes (substantially identical) to the restoration of constitutional government, with reforms giving effect to the social principles underlying the late revolution; these programmes have been accepted by the military chiefs in the north. And they include for the first time in Mexico's history the economic regeneration of the Indian; that is Zapata's one care, for which he will fight to the end; it is Meixueiro's; and Díaz has made it his. The Mexican revolution (really started by Zapata in 1909, before Madero) will never end until the mountain peasants of Morelos come into their own; you might as well fight the Swiss; but give them their farms, buying them from the landlords if necessary, and it ends to-morrow. And above all give them economic assurance that it is worth while saving—and their regeneration and that of Mexico will come.

What is our part? Recognize the facts, and not just the theories of the case. The Carranza-von Eckhardt Government of Mexico, and the Alvarado-I. W. W. Government of Yucatan know that we really understand the situation; but they hope that we can be kept edging on until they have made our final action too late.

WILLIAM GATES.