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to augment the fund of Washington, on finding that this national institution was intended both to give additional stability to the union, and yet to assist in the preservation of the independence of each individual state seminary; and that instead of interfering with the minor schools, it was to have nothing to do with them; that instead of controuling and humbling the state colleges, it was to contribute to their independency and to increase their importance; inasmuch as a principal controuling power over the most commanding features of the university, might be vested with the principals of the state seminaries.

The injuries complained of by some writers, from the two independent situations, by the too great salaries and too secure hold of their durable places, in the permanent officers of Europe, will no doubt be avoided in ours, and every thing done to make the university not only an epitome to correspond and harmonize always with the principles of our government and union, but highly conducive to the preservation of that freedom and independence possessed by all classes of the people composing our American commonwealth.

It would be an endless task, and require volumes to hold all that has been written in favour of a federal heart and university, in our periodical papers, since 1775. We shall only select a few.

Published September, 1787.

“If a federal university should be established, I shall advance my humble opinion on the plan: here it is enough to observe, that the institution must be simple, complete, and grand. The great science of politics requires a particular professorship; and a person qualified for this place, must be one of the first characters in the United States. A mere financier, or civilian, is not a politician: this philosophic character must understand morals, war, finance, commerce, manufactures, agriculture, police, philosophy; he must have a perfect view of all the great affairs of a nation in their whole extent and intimate connection. His republican heart should be equally noble with his understanding, animated with rational piety, warm philanthropy, and sublime patriotism, infinitely above the narrow sentiments of sects and parties. A mechanic may construct an admirable machine, whether he is a good man or not: but the design of a political system is the felicity of a nation; the rights and feelings of millions must be understood. The great artist must therefore feel the joys and sorrows of his species in every condition of life, and with impartial goodness secure to all the happiness they have a right to enjoy as men and citizens. A narrowness of thought and sentiment has produced the many absurd political systems; a devotee would sacrifice all for religion; a moralist regards virtue not as the principal, but the only object. A military politician is often dazzled by the glory of victory and grandeur of dominion, not considering

how dearly they are bought by the blood and distress of thousands; the political economist is so narrow in his view of property, as to forget the proprietors, and in his pursuit of national wealth thinks little of that liberty, honor, wisdom, valour, without which it cannot be enjoyed and preserved: What is extraordinary, political economy. itself is divided into ridiculous sects; one doats on agriculture, another on manufactures, a third on commerce. If the professor of politics has the noble talents I have mentioned, what excellent statesmen and legislators will not be formed under his hand; but if blindly attached to a system, or a leader of political party, he will, with many valuable qualities, be one of the most pernicious men in the union.

"In one department of the federal university the science of war should be taught in all its branches, particularly those which will for a long time be most useful in America; her defence will depend very little on regular fortifications; but the art of chusing posts is very valuable in a country so woody, hilly, and intersected with rivers, creeks, &c.; and above all, the science of forming a correct dispoșition for battle, and in the heat of it, under the eye of death, displaying those excellent manœuvres, that have often conquered numbers, will, in this and most countries forever hold the highest rank.

"The belles lettres or elegant literature claim also particular attention. These are both in the ancient and modern stile called humaniora, because they humanize and refine the human heart. They are not merely ornamental, but extremely useful by ennobling those affections which are the bands of civil society; and by qualifying men in several respects for all the important offices of government. Military harangues have often appeased the fury of soldiers, and inspired fortitude in the most forlorn situation. In foreign negociations a great deal depends on the address, wit and genius of a minister.... Political eloquence is absolutely necessary in republics; the dull must be roused, the cold warmed, the impetuous restrained, the daring intimidated, the artful detected through all their fraudulent windings, the selfish and ungenerous exposed in all their meanness. A great speaker or writer for a party is very dangerous unless an able champion of patriotism; truth has an invincible power, but she must be held up in her true majestic form, with the just proportions, animated features, beaming eye, fine complexion, and noble air; in drapery that becomes a goddess, like that of her sister nature, now like a morning in the blooming spring, then the star bespangled midnight sky, sometimes as the foaming ocean, the thunder that strikes the lofty tower, and shatters the solid rock. The writings of Swift greatly promoted the peace of Utrecht: his conduct of the allies in particular, had a great effect upon the nation, though its pride was so highly flattered by a continual series of illustrious victories. How much Common Sense disposed the people of America for independency, is well known. Again, had the earl of Chatham been alive and well, it would probably not have been obtained without a severe

struggle. I speak of this ardent inflexible character only as an orator; for had he again been keeper of the British lion, he would much more have rouzed it to desperate deeds; it would not have slumbered, frisked whole days round a whistling mocking bird, hunted rabbets and sheep, and to no purpose left bits of the tail, and a claw here and there; it would not have struck a few bold strokes now and then, but darted furious on the chest of the fierce unicorn, though his horn might have gored its heart. A collection of the great events produced by political eloquence in ancient and modern states, would make an entertaining instructive volume. While it is a truth, that a single speech in a national assembly may determine peace or war, and that one pen may do more than 10,000 swords; that political eloquence, which is the offspring of strong sense, great knowledge, sublime fancy, warm sensibility, and above all, a noble heart, cannot be too highly valued.

"Sublime learning is a powerful antidote against that excessive love of property, which in the present mode of civilization prevails too much. A man, who has read the best political and military authors, who is well acquainted with the best poets and historians, who has often sighed over the select scenes of heroic tragedy; such a man cannot have low thoughts, and mean sentiments; he cannot regard his slaves, or acres, or shining toys, or some hogsheads of sugar, more or less, as great national objects; and in voting for a tax he does not calculate how many shillings will come out of his own pocket. Men of letters know their own dignity, scorn to flatter the rich or great, and under the frowns of fortune often preserve a noble spirit of independency.

"Natural philosophy and mathematics are the same every where; but moral and sentimental literature has a great influence on manners and government. A critical inquiry into the species and forms of learning most proper for America, would be a noble object to a man of genius and political knowledge. I shall only remark, that the European is not in all cases suitable; but that some justly admired compositions may have a bad influence. The characters of many favourite dramas are kings and queens, lords and noble ladies. A celebrated French author pretends that only persons of the first rank can engage the simpathy of mankind: an idea degrading to the human species every where; particularly destructive in free countries. "America must have her own sterling even in learning; let her establish an academy of belles lettres: of this every fine genius in the union should be a member: it must be central, and under the patronage of the federal power."

Extract from the fourth volume of the Independent Gazetteer, printed at Philadelphia, 1788. [No. 548.]

"A gentleman under the signature of Nestor, some months since, gave the public a hint for erecting a federal university. How much

this will promote learning in general, is evident from the situation of this young country, whose pecuniary and literary resources cannot yet be great enough for more than one illustrious assembly of the muses. It would be an excellent institution for promoting federal sentiments. In the happy spring of youth, all our affections bloom; the high sense of honor; the warmth of friendship; the glow of patriotic virtue, then animates the enraptured soul: sublime and elegant literature then has its highest relish, refines and exalts these noble passions. What glorious effects may not then a nation expect from a concourse of her best sons at the temple of wisdom? Society in the sweet enjoyment of wisdom, literature, and the many social pleasures of an academic life, will create a mutual endearment, and form those charming friendships that will continue to the grave. When after a finished education they depart to their different stations and places of residence, they will be so many capital links of the federal union; so many stately columns under the grand fabric; so many bright luminaries to shed a radiance through the whole federal system; and so many powerful centripetal forces to give eternal stability. Infinitely above the local prejudices of vulgar bosoms, they will think and feel as genuine sons of America. I scruple not to say, that though a state college is formed on the most liberal plan, its education cannot be so patriotic as that in a federal university. Let us propose these questions to the respective students: Where did you spend the happiest part of your life? In (say) Pennsylvania. Where did you acquire those sciences and liberal arts, which you value more than Peruvian treasures? In Pennsylvania. Where did you know the best politicians, philosophers, poets, &c.? In Pennsylvania. Where are your most faithful and most admired friends? In Pennsylvania. When the dearest objects of the human heart are thus confined within a narrow sphere, it must be uncommonly noble to embrace unknown persons and objects, however nearly politically related; but all these questions would be answered by the federal student, in America: his learning, his virtues, his graces, all the blessings of education were acquired in the center of the confederacy (where congress meets.) The friends of the youth, for whom he would die, are Americans; some in Georgia, others in New Hampshire, or Kentucky; military officers, clergymen, magistrates, members of legislatures, delegates in congress, &c. &c."

Although our WASHINGTON had nothing nearer his heart, after the completion of our independence, than a federal city and a central university, as he felt a diffidence when the question for the republican form for the university arose in his mind, lest it might militate with the prejudices of those who were educated at aristocratical seminaries, and thereby fail from formidable opposition: he nevertheless, recommended the attention of congress, in trvo instances, to this ob ject, in his specches, while president of the United States, viz.

D 2

Extract from a speech to the first congress, 1789.

"Nor am I less persuaded that you will agree with me in opinion, that there is nothing which can better deserve your patronage, than the promotion of science and literature. Knowledge is in every country the surest basis of public happiness, &c."

Answer of the Senate.

"Literature and science are essential to the preservation of a free constitution. The measures of the government should therefore be calculated to strengthen the confidence that is due to that important truth."

Answer of the House of Representatives.

"We conceive with you in sentiment, that the promotion of science and literature will contribute to the security of a free governWe shall not lose sight of an object so worthy of regard."

ment.

Speech of the President to the fourth congress, second session, 1792..

"I have therefore proposed to the consideration of congress, the expediency of establishing a national university, and also a military academy. The durableness of both these institutions has so constantly increased with every new view I have taken of the subject, that I cannot fail of recalling your attention to them."

"The assembly to which I address myself is too enlightened not to be fully sensible how much a flourishing state of the arts and sciences contributes to national prosperity and reputation: true it is that our country, much to its honor, contains many seminaries of learning, highly respectable and useful; but the funds upon which they rest, are too narrow to command the ablest professors in the different departments of liberal knowledge for the institution contemplated, though they be excellent auxiliaries. Among the motives to such an institution, the assimilation of principles, opinions, and manners of our countrymen, by the common education of a portion of our youth from every quarter, well deserves attention."

"The more homogeneous our citizens can be made in these particulars, the greater will be our prospect of permanent union; and a primary object of such an institution should be the science of government."

"What duty of the legislature can be more pressing than to patronize a plan for communicating it to those who are to be the future guardians of the liberties of their country?"

Extract from the answer of the Senate.

"A national university may be converted to the most useful purposes. The United States will assume a more dignified station among the nations of the earth, by the successful cultivation of the higher branches of literature."

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