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to be diluted by this wholesome canal,* or indeed by any other plan for the genERAL GOOD.
The fables of the members and the belly, of the father his sons and bundle of sticks, and of the dog in the manger, should be read by all who are over burthened by local or party prejudice; and those who are only frightened by the unusual sound of millions ! for defence, should accustom themselves to look at statistical tables, like the following, for the principal countries of the universe.
* Mr. De Lome must have been inspired, when he foretold that in such a gov. crnment, restraints would be more frequently necessary upon the power of the le. gislature, than upon the executive.
Our executive have hitherto been mild, and temperate, but our house of representatives, in more than one instance, have approached to turbulence. The known effica. cy of cool water to allay heat, has led us to propose a patent reservoir for the done of every debating assembly, from which, the moderator or speaker by touching a spring, may command a shower to restore order or perhaps to save the nation, in an instant.
It is not pretended that we are as near in our statements in the preceding table, as we hope we are, in those for our own country ; but the mere habit of contemplating subjects of magnitude, will help to cure local prejudices.
Of all the countries in the old world, the Chinese is perhaps the most striking, for the difference between their policy and our own, as well as for their immense population ; but sir George Stanton's travels evince, that we should gain little by any change that would bring us nearer to the apathy of that government in our own domestic practice, As you know the science of government to be of primary impurtance to every politician, we have only to remind you, to turn often to the few books in the congressional library, &c. in order to fortify the love for your own government, whenever you may be too much disappointed in the turn of a vote in either house. In addition to the views in younbooks, on the science of government, &c. please to run your eye over the following, which you will find to accord with a letter, page 175.
Although mankind are gregarious, they are by nature restless ; and if assembled in large tribes, hordes, or congregations, they are often quarrelsome : hence the necessity of social ties, to preserve order, amity, and peace. These ties are first, those of blood or kin. dred, which for the sake of distinction, may be called silken ties; the next are those of the laws, to which they may be bound by force, or bind themselves to submit; these we call iron bands : the third are those of associations for the extension of the arts and sciences ; these may be stiled flowery bands : the fourth, and perhaps the most to be depended on of all, are those of incorporated monied commonwealth associations, they are therefore stiled golden chains. In England these chains are most numerous ; they are there distinguished by the names of funded debt, national and state banks, insurance companies, canal and turnpike ; and toll bridge and mining, and commercial and tontines, and orphan and widows funds, which, with the India and othei mercantile companies, by innumerable divisions of the whole into small shares, the people of all classes and descriptions, the rich and poor, are so linked and rivited together, by their interest, in these constitutions, that they are by many conceived to be the strongest tie against a revolution that the British government possess. If this be true, it is a strong argument in favour of their extention here, to which we have been, and still hope, to be continually instrumental. In order to carry these minor republics more into our interior country, it is useful sometimes to unite a bank and an insurance company together, till the town becomes sufficient to have both these in separate aperation. The general, as well as the state governments, should subscribe at least to one, in each large towli, for many truly republican and political reasons, as well as for the aid of the revenue on all occasions ; but the government should have no more to do with the direction than to inquire into the present state of their specie, &c. in order to know, in part, from the whole of these data, how the whole country is supplied. The error of some writers on the subject of this knowledge of the state of the specie in a country, and against the necessity of any governmental inquiry on this head, is a wanton trifling with common sense, and so far opposed to innumerable facts in history, some of which Mr. Chalmers bas recorded, that we are astonished at Dr. A. Smith, for giving in to this mere caprice of the moment.
The rebellion of Shays, arose from the inattention of the rulers of the state of Massachusetts, to the money in circulation. "The people, (who as Harrington tells us) often feel when they do not see,” found it impossible to pay the disproportioned tax of the legislature of that day, and therefore resisted. Nor was the objection and formidable opposition to the excise law of the United States, by our citizens in the interior of Pennsylvania, so much owing to their aversion to taxes, as to the necessary inability of a people who went to the woods with money barely sufficient to pay for their farms. As any depleting system reaching the interior, reduces the price of lands, the policy of any excise or direct tax, for the back country, will always be questionable, till the public lands are sold, and paid for. We know that the British government have been anxious to reconcile the people to the opinion of Dr. Smith, while they were shipping specie for foreign subsidies ; but an independent writer should have been above committing an error of such ruinous magnitude.
As at all events there ought to be no doubt on this all important ques. tion, we hope it may be duly considered by every political economist.
The state of the vital fluid of a body politic, may be attained with all the delicacy observed for a lady, where a discreet, confidential physician is consulted, and secrecy is desired. There are many such state secrets that are perfectly proper to be observed, by a special committee only, who may report generally thereon. Further to enforce opinion on the preceding point, a reference is requested to pages 155 and 156, where we trust enough is said in favour of this all important truth.
We have taken the liberty to add to this manual, a kind of classic legislative tablet, or memorandum. It will at least serve for private use, by methodising the most interesting points of the legislature. You may help your memory and do good, if you can thereby shew the necessity of filling the blanks in the assembly with a due portion of the classic information and assistance requisite for the business of the day : sometimes you will find you have too few commercial men, or too few agriculturalists, and often too few LICERAL AMERICANS, who may embrace correct views for the interest of the whole of the union ; such alas ! is the lot of humanity, that few indeed can “ love their neighbour as themselves.” But when we have finished our national university, our young men will there learn, what can never be taught to the same advantage elsewhere, to “ cxpand their minds for universal good;" at least as far as their own happiness is connected with the general welfare of their country.
The blanks in these columns are left vacant for the private use of the members in both houses of the legislature; by the ability with