VOL. II.]

BALTIMORE, SATURDAY, MAY 23, 1812.

Hæc olim meminisse juvabit.-VIRGIL.

No. 38

Printed and published by H. NILES, Water-street, near the Merchants' Coffee-House, at $5. per annam

Mr. Pickering's Letters.

FROM THE BOSTON REPERTORY.

offered reasonable terms. In cunning acts to amuse and delude, I believe no government was ever more adroit than ours.

I have introduced the Chesapeake affair, because it appears to have given rise to a proclamation of his Britanne majesty, darell October, 1807, peremptorily disclaining any right to take Brital LETTER II-To the citizens of the commonwealth of Massachusetts. deserters from the public armed ships of a neutral nation; reques EMBARGO-AND WAR WITH GREAT-BRITAIS. ing his seafaring subjects in foreign service to return home to rid in defence of their own country, and enjoining upon his naval Fellow-Citizens,-Mr. Jefferson's embargo is too recent, and its officers increased care and caution in impressing British scamen Painous effects on your fisheries and commerce, and the consequent found on board neutral merchant vessels. This proclamation, I stress to all persons depending on those extensive employments, believe, was considered every where as lawful and right, and wholly were too sensibly felt to be forgotten. The wickedness of that unexceptionalle. For Great Britain still insisting on it as her transaction is certainly not generally understood, or he would have right, to take her own seamen from neutral merchant vessels, it was received the exceration of every honest man in America. I will something gained, after the serious affiur of the Chesapeake, to give you a history of it as concisely as possible. For, if convinced have a fresh, solumn and public command from her sovereign to by this of his falsehood and treachery, then, as you ought, you will his naval officers to use increased care and caution in all future discredit all his other deceitful professions of regard for the welfare impressments. This proclamation, however, Mr. Jeff rson presse ed into his service, when he enticed congress to impose his che

of the nation.

You must all remember the flourishing state of our agriculture,bargo. commerce, fisheries and manufactures, and the full employment of I will now exhibit the hypocrisy and deception practised by Mr. ear mechanics, to near the close of the year 1807. The French em- Jefferson in proposing that embargo; and if you do not also disperor's Berlin decree had been published for more than a year.-cover treachery at the bottom of it, I shall be obliged to ascribe it It wantonly, but absurdly, declared all the British islands in a state to the strange delusions with which that arch hypocrite ins con of blockade; when his own principal ports were blocked up by trived to bewitch the people.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States.

British fleets of ships. Hence this decree, outrageous as it was, On the 28th December, 1807, Mr. Jefferson sent to the two houses ewated no alarin. Our merchants could send their vessels to every of congress, the following message: port of the British dominions, with little fear of capture by French cruisers, if the emperor had attempted its immediate execution in negard to the United States. Our minister in Paris asked an ex- "The communications now made, showing the great and incrensplanation of the Berlin decree from the French minister of marine. ing dangers with which our vessels, our seamen and merchandize He answered, in effect, that it was not to operate against the ves-are threatened on the high seas and elsewhere, from the belligerent sels of the United States; but advised our minister to apply to Mr. powers of Europe, and it being of the greatest importance to keep Talleyrand, the French minister of foreign affairs, for a correct in safety these essential resources, I deem it my duty to recome and definitive answer. This correct and definitive answer was mend the subject to the serious consideration of congress; who never obtained. However, I do not recollect any captures under will, doubtless, perceive all the advantage which may be expected that decree until the spring of 1807, when, as Mr. Madison stated, from an inhibition of the departure of our vessels from the ports tote had been made in the West Indies. The first instance of vio- of the United States. lence under it in Europe was in the case of the American ship Horizon, which, on the 30th May, 1807, was shipwr.cked on the coast of France; and which neither humanity,nor the law of nations, For the stipulations of the emperor's own treaty with the United States, could save from his vengeance. All that part of her cargo« (the whole belonging to our fellow-citizens) which came from the British dominions, was condeanned. The emperor's final decision was given on the 18th September 1807, through his grand judge Regier. The effect of this decision was, to carry into execution the Berlin decree, by subjecting to capture and condemnation all sorts of merchandize of the growth or manufacture of the British dominions, found on board of American vessels, although the property of American citizens. This decision of the imperial tyrant, also soon became known in the United States; yet it produced no alarm because his piratical cruisers were so few in number; and it cost our merchants only a small additional expense for insurance.

"Their wisdom will also see the necessity of making every pre paration for whatever events may grow out of the present crisis. "I ask a return of the letters of Messrs. Armstrong and Chappagny, which it would be improper to make public. December 18, 1807." TH. JEFFERSON.

The communications consisted of four papers. One, the procla mation of the king of Great Brita n, already described. A secotil was the letter from the grand judge Regnier, also before mentioned, containing the emperor's decision upon his Berlin decrec. These two papers, the former entire, and the latter in whole or in substance, had been published in our newspapers; and were con sidered, the first as at least, harmless-and the last as of little consequence; the knowledge of it serving only to put our merchants more on their guard in the destination of their vessels, and to get them ensured against their small risque. Of the other two papers, In the month of June, 1807, some British ships of war lying in being Armstrong's letter of September 24, 1807, and Champagny the Chesapeake bay, having lost some of their seamen by deser-answer of October 7th, Mr. Jefferson, for the purpose of public detion, and the deserters, British subjects, having enlisted to serve inception, made great mystery-asking their return, under the pro some of the arined vessels of the United States, they were detence that it would be improper to publish them. These two anded by the British officers, and refused. The British consulwanderful papers wrapped up the mystery of the embargo, and, Norfolk demanded thein, and they were refused-and when the like the devices of jugglers, playing slight-of-hand tricks, were to British minister at Washington applied for their surrender, he also be kept from the sight of the PEOPLE." They were returned to Het with refusal. At the same time some deserters from a French the president. Yet he hims If laid them before congress three frigate lying near Norfolk, were delivered up as soon as demand-months afterwards—but (mark the mode) he sent them with a large ed. Such was my information in these cases. Exasperated by this mass of other documents, and without any intimation that they course of conduct, the commander of the British ships understand-had ever been offered as the ground of his embargo. And if a few ing the deserters had entered on board the American frigate Che-members of congress read and recollected those papers, thus hud. sapeake, gave orders that they should be demanded, and if refused, died in, the people abroad would not know nor suspect the deceitful taken by force. The frigate Chesapeake destined for the Medi-use which had been made of them. They related simply to the terranean, put to sea; and when out of the jurisdiction of the Uni-Berlin decrees, the precise subject of Regnier's public letter, before ted States, a British fifty gun ship having demanded the deserters mentioned, and this is their amount. Armstrong, our minister in and being refused, attacked the frigate, which surrendered; and Paris, asked the French minister Champagny, whether, by the Rome deserters were taken out; and some men were killed and emperor's late decision, enforcing his Berlin decree, it was his in wounded in the attack. tention to infract [break and violate] his treaty with the United

For this unauthorised attack, as soon as it was known in London, States? And Champagny, auswered roundly" his majesty has. the British government expressed the "most sincere concern and considered every neutral vessel going from English ports, with earSOTTOW and promised to make the most prompt and effectual goes of English merchandise, or of English origin, as lawfully, reparation, if the British officers should prove to have been culpa-seized by French armed vessels." This was a most palpable violas he." They were found culpable; and such prompt and effectual tion of his treaty with the United States, as every one who reads it reparation would have been inade, but for the measures of president well knows, but I will give you Mr. Madison's own authority for it. Jefferson, which prevented it. Other forbidding measures of his He calls the Berlin decrece "a gross infraction of our neutra successor. Mr. Madison, further delayed the adjustment, until rights" and referring to the emperor's decision enforcing that de the last year, when he was pleased to accept the reparation; cree. Mr. Madison says, " it violates as well positive stipulations of which would more cheerfully have been given four years before, the convention of September 30, 1800, [being the treaty which But in that time, other subjects of difference had arisen, and with Bonaparte had limself made with the United States] as the inconold ones, had been, by the management of our own government, testible principles of public law." Yet Champagny, in his letter safficiently aggravated to keep up the bitter irritation of Ameri- to Armstrong," with the wonted shameless impudence of French ean citizens towards Great Britain; so the affair of the attack on ministers, says it has seemed easy to reconcile these measures the Chesapeake gould be dispensed with. It was then an old story with the observance of treaties."

and had grown stale. Besides, this settlement might serve to sug. From these details it is evident that Mr. Jefferson's message, statgest to the people the idea, that the president was always disposed ing that the papers he communicated, shewed that our commerce settle our differences with Great Britain, when her government was exposed to GREAT and increasing dangers, was unfounded VOL. II. N

186

THE WEEKLY REGISTER----COBBETT TO THE PRINCE BEGENT.

and falee. But I will add to your own necessary conclusions, Mr. plication of the American consul here, and of these Jeferson's own authority for my assertion. In the letter from Mr the sufferings have in many instances, been very Madison to general Arnistrong, dated Feb. 8, 1808, concerning the

Berlin decree, and the emperor's construction of it, in which he great. There have been instances where men have more than once refers to Mr. Jefferson's orders for what he writes, thus got free after having been flogged through the

and the whole of which letter no one will doubt that he read and

approved, and which he sanctions by his own act, in cominunicat- fleet for desertion.

ing it to congress–in that letter is the toHowing passage The But it has been asked, whether we are not to conduct of the French government in giving this extended ope take our sailors where we find them? To which ration to that decree, and, indeed, in issuing one with such appa

rent or doubtful import against the right of the sea, is the more America answers, yes, but take only your own; extraordinary, inasmuch as the inability to enforce it on that ele-"take," said Mr. Lyman, your whole pound of mentexhibited the measure in the light of an empty menace !"—

And in his letter of March 25, 1808, to the British minister at flesh, but take not a drop of blood." She says that Washington, Mr. Madison, writing again on the subject of the she wishes not to have in her ships any British Berlin decree, says, that France was without the nicans to car-sailor; and she is willing to give them up, wherery it into effet.""

Fellow-citizens, I beseech you to reflect on the facts I have now ver the fact of their being British sailors can be stated--facts recited from Mr. Jefferson's own documents. By them proved. Let them, she says, be brought before any he stands convicted of a base and mischievous deception practised on

congress, announcing dangers which he knew did not exist-and magistrate, or any public civil authority, in any one which shortly after, he was not ashamed to avow did not exist. of your own ports, at home or abroad; and she is And in withdrawing immediately the papers in which the de-willing to abide by the decision. But, let not men ception was wrapped up, his only object could be, to prevent the be seized in her ships upon the high seas (and some

detection of the fraud.

Here an important enquiry forces itself upon the mind: why-times at the mouth of her own rivers) where there for what reason-from what motive did Mr. Jefferson practise this fraud? A fraud in its consequences so injurious to the United is nobody to judge between the parties, and where States at large, but more especially to Massachusetts, the most the British officer going on board is at once accucommercial state in the union! A fraud which nearly destroyed

your fisheries, and which essentially injured your navigation and ser, witness, judge and captor. Let not your offi. trade? Frauds, deception and lies are necessary only to effect cer who cannot know the men, except by mere acsome unlawful purpose. Mr. Jefferson might have two objects incident, be taken to be a better judge of the fact view, in thus wantonly prostrating your commerce by his unlimit than the commander of the ship in which they sail. ed permanent embargo. I shall at present draw your attention but Let it not be admitted, that he is never to be believ Four days before he recommended the embargo, he received des-ed, and that even the protections given by the Amepatches from France. The news by the same vessel was, that the Fernch emperor had said he would have no neutrals. And for this rican authorities, are to be received as falsehoods, we had afterwards general Armstrong's authority. Another arti- and disregarded accordingly. cle of news received then, or about that time, was, that in France it was said there would be an embargo in the United States as soon

to one.

We have hitherto refused to alter our practice.

as their despatch vessel arrived. These are circumstances ucrit- The grievance has been growing greater and greater, ing some notice. We know also that the French emperor ex-as it necessarily must with the continuance of the pressed his approbation of the embargo. But the certain conclu

sion in this case is to be drawn from Mr. Jefferson's own commu-war, till, at last, the number of persons impressnication to congress which I have brought into view; and that ed, the number of sufferers, and the correspondconclusion is, that Mr. Jefferson recommended the embargo in con

cert with the French emperor-in order to co-operate with him in ing number of complaining parents, wives and childestroying the commerce of Great Britain-which the emperor by dren in America, are become so great, that the unexampled acts of injustice and violence was endeavoring to whole country cries out war! war! or an end to accomplish, as the sure means, in his opinion, of reducing and subjecting her to his dominion; as he had already subjected a impressment.

Thus, fellow-citizens, you were BETRAYED-thus were your great interests sacrificed to promote the objects of the overflowing ambition of the French emperor to bring under his yoke all the nations of Europe. Our own subjugation would then be the work but of a single campaign; and the universal tyrant would tread upon a prostrate world."

TIMOTHY PICKERING,

great part of the nations of Europe, and over all which he exercis- I beg your royal highness to consider what must be ed a fatal influence-the British nation only excepted. And her the feelings of a people at the existence of a grievance downfall Mr. Jefferson had at that time predicted. He expressed "his opinion that she would not exist six months as a free and in-like this; and if you do seriously consider it, I am dependent nation; but was confident the weight of her national sure you will see cause to despise those parasites of the debt, and the pressure of the French power, would destroy her in the course of a year." And this pressure, you have seen, he was press in England, who are using their utmost endea eager to increase by the embargo. vours to persuade the public, that the American congress are, in their resentful language against England, stimulated by the intrigues of Bonaparte." As if the intrigues of Bonaparte were necessary to make an assembly of real representatives of the American people feel for the ruin of so many hundreds of their merchants,and for the greater sufferings of so many thousands of their seamen ! As if the intrigues of Bonaparte were necessary to make such an assembly feel at seeing their country, whose indepen dence was purchased with the blood of their fathers, treated, at sea, as if it were still no more than a colony! As if to feel acutely, and to express themselves strongly upon such occasion, it were neOur ships of war when they meet an American cessary for them to be instigated by the intrigues of a vessel at sea, board her, and take out of her, by | foreign power.

April 16, 1812.

Cobbett to the Prince Regent.

From his Register of Feb. 1, 1812.

IMPRESSMENT OF SEAMEN OUT OF AMERICAN
SHIPS BY OUR SHIPS OF WAR.

force, any seamen whom our officers assert to be Having now with as much clearness as I have British subjects. There is no rule by which they been able to combine with brevity, submitted to are bound. They act at discretion; and the conse your royal highness the nature and extent of the quence is, that great numbers of native Ame-complaints, which America prefers against England, ricans have been thus impressed, and great numbers I next proceed to state to you what has been done of them are now in our navy. The total number so by the congress, in the way of obtaining redress held at any one time cannot perhaps, be ascertained, for those grievances, after which will naturally but from a statement published in America, it ap come such observations as I think not unworthy of pears that Mr. Lyman, the late consul here stated your serious attention, relative to the consequences the number, about two years ago, at fourteen thou of a war with a country, which, until this moment, sand. That many of these men have died on board the prostituted press of this country, has studiously of our ships, that many have been wounded, that treated with contempt.

many have been killed in action, and that many When the president's speech reached us, breathhave been worn out in the service, there can be no ing a spirit of resentment, and suggesting the pro doubt. Some obtain their release through the ap.priety of arming, these yelpers, of the renal press,

as if all set on by one and the same halloo, and as their workmen; and that if the orders in council if forgetting their predictions about his fall, flew at continued three months longer, the number of him in a train of abuse such as I have seldom wit- hands (including women and children) within twennessed, except when I myself have had the honor to ty miles of this town, thrown ontof employ, would be thought by their setters-on, an object worthy of not be less than 70,000. They did not speak withtheir mercenary malice. They likened the style of out sufficient documents, as they had seen papers his speech to that of the Wabash and Shawanese prepared in consequence of the inquiries of lord savages; they called him a tool of Bonaparte, they Sheffield, three or four years ago, from which it represented him as a mean, low-minded, igno- was evident, that, in this district, upwards of rant man, and I have never heard, that any one of 50,000 persons were solely employed in preparing them has been called to account for this conduct.-goods for the American market. He felt perfectly They soon found, however, what every man of confident that the deputation had not overstated the sense anticipated, that the sentiments of the presi numbers, as the home trade was also completely dent's speech were but a faint sketch of the picture cut up, by the competition from houses that had to be finished by congress, who, therefore, next be hitherto been confined solely to the foreign trade, came an object of attack. But, by degrees, as the which the orders in council had completely annihi accounts of the proceedings of the congress have lated. They hoped his majesty's ministers would reached us, these deceivers of the English people speedily adopt some measures to remove these obhave grown more measured in their abuse. At the stacles to commerce, or they apprehended that arrival of every new menace from the city of Wash this town, which had hitherto boine up under its ington, they have, as in the nature of the true bred burthens, would, by a public meeting, openly exbully, become more and more gentle; till, at last, press its sentiments, and that the object of the dethey have softened down into a tone of civility. putation was, by a timely representation to his maThey do not now "make a mockery" of war with jesty's ministers, to prevent the necessity of that America: they even hope that it may be prevented ; | measure. and, they "trust empty punctilio will not stand in the way of reconciliation;" that very reconciliation, which they had done all in their power to prevent.

Meeting at Birmingham.

From the Liverpool Mercury of April 10. TOWN MEETING AT BIRMINGHAM RESPECTING THE

ORDERS IN COUNCIL.

Mr. Spooner stated, that Mr. Perceval listened to their account with great attention, and met the subject very fairly and openly. He admitted, that he was fully aware of the distressed state of the manufacturers, but being as fully convinced of the benefits accruing to the country at large from the orders in council, he could not, from any consi deration of partial distress, alter his opinion; and that, therefore, he would not flatter the deputation with hopes which he saw no chance of being realized. Mr. Spooner could not, however, say so much for the manner in which Mr. Rose treated "It does not signify gentlemen." said Mr. R. after listening to their representation, " we

the subject.

Birmingham, Margh 31, 1812. This day, in consequence of the notice given by our very respectable high bailiff, upwards of eleven hundred persons assembled in the great room, at the royal hotel. Mr. Atwood opened the meeting are like two men with our heads in a bucket of waby reading the requisition, signed by three hundred ter, and we must see which can stand drowning the and seven highly respectable names-he then longest." When, therefore, said Mr. Spooner, eeeded to explain the object of the meeting, after such a sentiment as this is openly avowed by one of which, as a preliminary, he called upon the chair his majesty's ministers, I leave to the sense of this man of the Inland Cominercial Society, to lay be meeting, whether it is not time for us to begin to fore the meeting the origin of the deputation which think for ourselves (Loud and reiterated applause.) had waited upon his majesty's ministers, from this

town.

council.

pro

Mr. Capper rose and read the resolutions which Follow ;-after which the first resolution was put, and seconded by Mr. Ledsam.

Mr. Capper said, that at a meeting of the society on the 24th of February, it was resolved, that a Mr. Villers thought the deputation had repredeputation should wait upon Mr. Perceval, for the sented the state of the town in too strong colors. purpose of representing to him the distressed situa He spoke of Mr. Perceval's willingness to relieve, tion of this manufacturing district, and the state of as far as propriety would allow, existing distresses, trade in general, in consequence of the orders in and was persuaded that the minister and his colleagues were actuated by the purest motives-{ }}isMr. Richard Spooner, one of the deputation, in approbation)-His majesty's ministers best knew formed the meeting, that in the interview with the the line of conduct fit to be pursued on this occa chancellor of the exchequer, they had explicitly sion; they were the proper judges of the best way told the right honorable gentleman, that the depu- of distressing the enemy of the liberties of Europe, tation did not represent the town in general, but and of forcing him to relax his tyrannical measures; only the body of merchants and manufacturers, con- they were the best judges whether the repeal of the nected with the American trade. They endeavor orders in council would be beneficial or not. ed correctly to represent the situation of the manu-V. then moved as an amendment to the resolutions, facturing and commercial inhabitants of the town, that the address should state the embarrassed state to whom the trade to America was of the utmost of the manufacturers, &c. and pray, that the legis importance, since their chief dependence rested on lature would take the same into their sesions consian open exportation to that quarter; they had stated, deration, and adopt measures for relieving the state that from the stagnation of this trade, the ware of commerce, whenever it can be done consistently bouses of the merchants and manufacturers were with the honor of the country, &c. Mr. V coufilled with stock, which nearly absorbed their capi|cluded with hoping he should not have the mortifital; that the period was now arrived, when, unless cation of seeing a majority carry the original mothey had some reason to expect a favorable change. tion, contrary to the opion of the magistrates.— it would no longer be in their power to employ Much disapprobation.)

Mr.

Mr. Corn entered into a history of the origin and strong tokens of reprobation. By this system, we progress of the orders in council and of the license invite our enemies to gain a particular knowledge trade, and contended that they were highly inju of coasts-we train up their sailors--we permit rious to the best interests of the country; we re-them to reap the advantages of a trade from which gret that our limits will not enable us to give his we exclude our best friends. The system, more. sentiments at length. over, is indefensible in a constitutional point of view, Mr. R. Spooner stated his regret, that the ma as it promotes an undue influence, by throwing the gistrates should connect themselves in their magis whole trade of the country into the hands of the miterial capacity, in any degree, with the questionnisters. Mr. Spooner said, that it was a fact well before the meeting. He thought it was rather too known, that an eminent merchant, in the house of much to expect, that out of regard to private cha commons, had admitted that he should have been racter, the high bailiff should refuse to attend to aglad to have given 15,000/. for two licenses; and requisition signed by upwards of three hundred re that on the morning the deputation waited on Mr. spectable inhabitants-(Shouts of applause.)-The Perceval, 100 licenses had been received! Mr. S. worthy magistrate asserts, that ministers are the then dwelt at some length upon the disadvantages best judges of what was expedient! Now, sir, as under which the manufacturing interests were la merchants and manufacturers, whose distresses are boring; the colonial and shipping interests enjoyed known and acknowledged by all parties, and admit all the advantages of the license system, and being ted even by the worthy magistrate himself, we are concentrated upon the exchange in London, had surely the best judges of what we suffer; and, sir, free access to the minister, while the best interests considering, that the manu acturing interest forms of the country, the manufacturing interests, were the very vitals of the country, by the state of that dispersed over every part of the kingdom-their interest we can safely judge of the prosperity of the voice, thus separated, was rendered too feeble to country at large. Shall it then be alledged, that make so strong an impression, or gain such conministers are better acquainted with our situationstant attention; and yet the worthy magistrate than we ourselves can be?-(Loud applause.) Mr. could come here to reprobate the least attempt to S. said it had been stated to the meeting, that the unite their voices in a representation of their disorders in council were measures of retaliation; but tresses. But, sir, the evil that presses stronger uphe proceeded to prove that we were the aggressors, on my mind, as respects the license system, is the and said if they be not revoked, they will-they must great degradation it produces in the national chalead to the eternal ruin of the country. But the worthy racter. It is lamentable, that a nation, hitherto magistrate says, that their repeal will tend to prolong standing high in moral estimation, anxious to prothe war. I cannot imagine upon what grounds or mote true knowledge, zealous to spread the princiarguments he rests his opinion. If he alludes to a ples of pure religion, should thus lay itself open to war with America, I cannot conceive how those the imputation of forcing a trade by fraud and permeasures which tend to show that the acts which jury, and that too, under the sanction of governhave so greatly irritated that country, are not apnent. It must seriously afflict every one zealous proved by the nation at large, but are merely the for the true honor and real interests of his country, acts of his majesty's ministers, should be likely to that it has been admitted in the court of admiralty, widen the breach which unfortunately exists be that under present circumstances, it was necessary tween us. The worthy magistrate says, that this to wink at simulated papers!!! In carrying on expression of the public opinion will tend to lower this trade, the captain of the vessel must be furnishthe feelings of the people of England Speaking asted with two sets of papers diametrically opposite to an Englishman, sir, I feel, that nothing will lower each other, both of which he must swear to be true. my tone so much as seeing difficulties thrown out He must also swear at one place that the property is to prevent the voice of the people being constitu British, in another it is neutral! tionally heard at the bar of the house of commons. He thought the resolutions moderate, declaring But, sir, to dwell a little upon the impolicy of the measure: nothing to my mind is a stronger proof vielded to party prejudices, without having investi not men but measures, he opposed; and that had he of it than the conduct of that great statesman I so much admire, Mr. Pitt. He, sir, constantly avoidated the subject for himself, he should have been ed the snares that were held out to him by the than he now intended. led to give a very different vote upon this occasion, Mr. S. concluded by reFrench government, to allure him into a commercial war. That eminent character was well aware, mendment proposed by the worthy magistrate, nor gretting that he could neither acquiesce in the athat the violent decrees of France (of a similar na in any degree admit the propriety of connecting ture, though perhaps not of equal extent with the

Berlin and Milan decrees) must be nugatory unless himself, in his magisterial capacity, with a matter we made them otherwise by endeavoring to retali purely commercial (Hear! hear! and loud ap ate. A commercial war, sir, is the worst of all plause.)

others for Englund to be engaged in-for she has Mr. Bird, Mr. J. Spooner, jun. and col. Gordon every thing to lose, and nothing to gain. France opposed the resolutions, which were supported by is a military nation-we may prevent her establish Mr. Osler, Mr. T. Smith, and Mr. Redfere. The ing a trade; but in so doing, the evil we inflict upon amendment proposed by Mr Villers, was negativher is nothing in its consequences, to the suicide weed by a large majority, the original resolutions were commit by plunging this country into a war with carried, and a petition framed upon them, was America, and not only losing the present advantage adopted. of her commerce, but forcing her to become a manufacturing nation. Mr. S. then instanced a case in point, of the prohibition of the exportation of edge tools to America, by lord North, during our At a meeting of the merchants, manufacturers, contest with that country, which led the American and other inhabitants of the town of Birmingham, manufacturers of those articles to come into a suc duly convened by the hi ch bailiff, and unprecedentcessful competition with the British. He then aded for numbers and respectability,, held at the Royal vered to the license trade, and marked it with Hotel, this 31st day of March, 1812. To take into

ORDERS IN COUNCIL.

Birmingham, March 31, 1812.

Resolved, (dissentient only two,) That when nearly all the channels of our trade to the continent of Europe are closed, the commerce of the east pos sessed by an exclusive monopoly, and our national expenditure unparalleled in the annals of the world, Resolved unanimously, That the thanks of this we deem it incumbent upon us to recommend to the meeting be given to the high bailiff for his able and consideration of our legislators, the propriety of impartial conduct in the chair.

revoking those measures, which we conceive to Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting be given have been originally contrary to the recognised to the high bailiff for his constant and zealous atlaws of nations, inconsistent with the principles of tention to the interests of the town. sound policy, and which threaten to involve us in a war with our most valuable commercial connec tion, America; a country linked to us by the power ful affinities of common origin, similarity of lan guage, laws and manners.

Resolved, (dissentient only three) That the direct tendency of the orders in council, is to force Americanpon her own resources, and to oblige her to be come a manufacturing nation, much earlier than in The envy that generally is the attendant on perthe natural course of events would be the case. sons raised to high offices of state, Mr. Law had the Resolved unanimously, That this town and neigh misfortune to experience; and in his case it was borhood, containing a most numerous population, heightened in a superlative degree, from the eir. and being unquestionably one of the most important constance of his being a foreigner. He was hated manufacturing districts in the British empire, have by almost all the ministry, and obnoxious to all the greatly depended upon a friendly intercourse with old retainers of the court. Cardinal du Bois, in the United States of America, and are suffering most particular, could not, without the greatest pain, severely under the operation of the orders in coun observe his wonted influence over the mind of his cil. old pupil quite destroyed, by the superior powers Resolved, (dissentient only three,) That if this deof the comptroller general, who, he had reason is structive system be persisted in, thousands of our suspect, was determined to have him dismissed from laborious and re¬pectable mechanics will inevitably his office. This made him attempt all methods to be deprived of their present partial and precarious injure Mr. Law in the opinion of the regent, in employment; and whilst we deplore their distressed which he was joined by several of his colleagues,