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not have troubled your excellency about it; but I hope none, however, will be so wanting to the in lest the matter should grow into precedent, we terests of their country as to represent the matte earnestly beseech your excellency, as you regard in this light on the east side of the Atlantic, though the peace and welfare of the province, that no recent instances of such a conduct might be quotmeasures of this nature be taken for the future, leted, wherein the province has, after its most strethe advice of council be what it may."

This remonstrance being read was accepted by a large majority, and sent up and presented to his excellency by a committee, of whom Mr. Otis was

one.

nuous efforts, during this and other wars, been painted in all the odious colors that avarice, má. lice and the worst passions could suggest.

"The house assert, that it would be of little corisequence to the people, whether they were subThe same day the above remonstrance was de-ject to George or Louis, the king of Great Britain livered, the town was alarmed with a report, that or the French king, if both were arbitrary, as both the house had sent a message to his excellency re. would be, if both could levy taxes without parliaflecting on his majesty's person and government, ment-or in the same words transposed without the and highly derogatory to his crown and dignity, least alteration of the sense: It would be of little and therein advised that his excellency would, in no consequence to the people whether they were subcase, take advice of his majesty's council. The ject to George, the king of Great Britain, or Louis, governor's letter to the speaker is as judge Minot the French king, if both were arbitrary, as both represented it. Upon reading it, the same person would be, if both could levy taxes without parlia who had before cried out treason! treason' when ment. he first beard the offensive words, now cried out "rase them! rase them!" They were accordingly ⚫xpunged.

"The first question that would occur to a philosopher, if any question could be made about it, would be, whether it were true. But truth being of little importance, with most modern politicians, we shall touch lightly on that topic, and proceed to an enquiry of a more interesting nature.

In the course of the debate, a new and surprising doctrine was advanced: "We have seen the times, when the majority of a council by their words and actions have seemed to think themselves "That arbitrary government implies the worst of obliged to comply with every thing proposed by temporary evils, or at least the continual dangers the chair, and to have no rule of conduct but a go. of them, is certain. That a man would be pretty vernor's will and pleasure. But now, for the first equally subject to these evils, under every arbitratime, it was asserted, that the governor, in all cary government, is clear. That I should die very ses, was obliged to act according to the advice of council, and consequently would be deemed to have no judgment of his own.

In page 17, Mr. Otis enters on his apology, excuse or justification of the offensive words; which, as it is as facetious as it is edifying, I will transcribe at length in his own words, viz.

soon after my head should be cut off, whether by a sabre or a broad-sword, whether chopped off to gratify a tyrant, by the christian name of Tom, Dick or Harry, is evident. That the name of the tyrant would be of no more avail to save my life, than the name of the executioner, needs no proof -It is therefore manifestly of no importance what "In order to excuse, if not altogether justify, the a prince's christian name is, if he be arbitrary, any offensive passages and clear it from ambiguity, I more indeed if he were not arbitrary. So the beg leave to premise, two or three data:-1st. God whole amount of this dangerous proposition may made all men naturally equal. 2d. The ideas of at least in one view be reduced to this, viz:—IT IS earthly superiority, pre-eminence and grandeur are oF LITTLE IMPORTANCE WHAT A KING'S CHRISTIAN educational; at least acquired, not innate. 3d. NAME IS. It is indeed of importance that a king. kings were, and plantation governors should be, a governor, and all other good christians, should made for the good of the people, and not the peo- have a christian name, but whether Edward, Franple for them. 4th. No government has a right to cis, or William, is of none, that I can discern. It make hobby horses, asses and slaves of the subject; being a rule to put the most mild and favorable nature having made sufficient of the former, for construction upon words that they can possibly all the lawful purposes of man, from the harmless bear, it will follow that this proposition is a very peasant in the field, to the most refined politician harmless one, that cannot by any means tend to in the cabinet; but none of the last, which infallibly prejudice his majesty's person, crown, dignity, or proves they are unnecessary. 5th. Though most cause, all which I deem equally sacred with his governments are de facto arbitrary, and consequent-excellency.

ly the curse of and scandal of human nature, yet "If this proposition will bear an hundred differ. none are de jure, arbitrary. 6th. The British con-ent constructions, they must all be admitted before stitution of government, as now established in his any that imports any bad meaning, much more a majesty's person and family, is the wisest and best treasonable one. in the world. 7th. The king of Great Britain is the best and most glorious monarch upon the globe, and his subjects the happiest in the universe. 8th. It is most humbly presumed, the king would have all his plantation governors follow his royal example, in wise and strict adherence to the principles of the British constitution; by which, in conjunction with his other royal virtues, he is enabled to reign in the hearts of a brave and generous, a free and loyal people. 9th. This is the summit, the ne plus ultra of buman glory and felicity. 10th. The French king is a despotic, arbitrary prince, and consequently his subjects are very miserable.

"It is conceived the house intend nothing disre. spectful of his majesty, his government or gover. nor, in those words. It would be very injurious to insinuate this of a house that, upon all occasions, has distinguished itself by a truly loyal spirit; and which spirit possesses at least nine hundred and ninety-nine in a thousand of their constituents throughout the province. One good natured construction at least seems to be implied in the assertion and that pretty strongly, viz:-that in the present situation of Great Britain and France, it is of vast importance to be a Briton rather than a Frenchman, as the French king is an arbitrary, despotic "Let us now take a more careful review of this prince-but the king of Great Britain is not so de passage, which by some, out-of-doors, has been re-jure, de facto, nor by inclination; a greater differ presented as seditious, rebellious and traitorous.ence on this side of the grave cannot be found,

than that which subsists between British subjects | purlieus of a court. According to Mandevilleand the slaves of tyranny.

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the moral virtues are the political offspring which "Perhaps it may be objected, that there is some flattery begot upon pride. The most darling prin difference even between arbitrary princes, in this ciple of this great apostle of the order, who has respect at least, that some are more vigorous than done more than any mortal towards diffusing corothers. It is granted; but then let it be remember-ruption, not only through the three kingdom's, but ed that the life of man is as a vapor that soon va through the remotest dominions, is that every man nisheth away, and we know not who may come af has his price, and that if you bid high enough, ter him, a wise man or a fool; though the chances you are sure of him. before and since Solomon have ever been in favor of "To those who have been taught to bow at the the latter. Therefore it is said to be of little conse-name of a king, with as much ardor and devotion, quence. Had it been no instead of little, the as a papist at the sight of a erucifix, the assertion clause, upon the most rigid stricture, might have under examination may appear harsh; but there is been found barely exceptionable. an immense difference between the sentiments of a Bri"Some fine gentlemen have charged the expres-tish house of commons remonstrating, and those of a sion as indelicate. This is a capital impeachment in politics, and therefore demands our most serious attention. The idea of delicacy, in the creed of some politicians, implies that an inferior should, at the peril of all that is near and dear, obey his superior. Does my superior want my estate? I must give it him, and bow to him that he will conde

scend to take it.

courtier cringing for a favor. A house of representatives here, at least, bears an equal proportion to a governor, with that of a house of commons to a king. There is indeed one difference in favor of a house of representatives; when a house of commons address the king, they speak to their sovereign, who is truly the most august personage upon earth. When a house of representatives remonstrate to a governor, they speak to a fellow subject; though a superior, who is undoubtedly entitled to decency and respect; but I hardly think to quite so much reverence as his master.

"The reason is evident: it might give him some little pain or uneasiness to see me whimpering, much more openly complaining, at the loss of a little glittering dirt. I must, according to this system, not only endeavor to acquiesce myself, but "It may not be amiss to observe, that a form of impress upon all around me, a reverence and pas speech may be in no sort improper, when used sive obedience to the sentiments of my superior, arguendo or for illustration, speaking of the king; little short of adoration. Is the superior in con-which same form may be very harsh, indecent and templation a king, I must consider him as God's ridiculous if spoken to the king. vicegerent, clothed with unlimited power, his will "What cause of so bitter repentance, "again the supreme law, and not accountable for his ac- and again," could possibly have taken place, if tions, let them be what they may, to any tribunal this clause had been printed in the journal, I canupon earth. Is the superior a plantation governor? not imagine; if the case be fairly represented, I He must be viewed not only as the most excel-guess the province can be in no danger from a house lent representation of majesty, but as a vice roy in of representatives daring to speak plain English his department, quoad provincial administration, when they are complaining of a grievance. I sinto all intents and purposes vested with all the pre-cerely believe the house had no dispostion to enter rogatives that were ever exercised by the most absolute prince in Great Britain.

"The votaries of this sect, are all monopolizers of office, peculators, informers, and generally the seekers of all kinds-It is better, say they, to give up any thing and every thing quietly than contend with a superior; who, by his prerogative, can do, and as the vulgar express it, right or wrong, will have, whatever he pleases. For you must know, that according to some of the most refined and fashionable systems of modera politics, the ideas of right and wrong, and all the moral virtues, are to be considered only as the vagaries of a weak or distempered imagination in the possessor, and of no use in the world but for the skilful politician, to Convert to his own purposes of power and profit,

with these

"The love of country is an empty name,

into any with the governor or council. Sure I am that the promoters of this address had no such view. On the contrary, there is the highest reason to presume that the house of representatives will at all times rejoice in the prosperity of the gover. nor and council, and contribute their utmost assistance, in supporting those two branches of the legislature in all their just rights and pre-eminence.-But the house is, and ought to be, jealous and tenacious of its own privileges; these are a sacred deposit intrusted by the people, and the jealousy of them is a Godly jealously.”

REMARKS.

treason!" made to Mr. Henry in 1765, been so 1. Why has the sublime compliment of "treason!" celebrated, when that to Mr. Otis, in 1762, three years before, has been forgotten? Because the Vir ginia patriot has had many trumpeters, and very loud ones; but the Massachusetts patriot none.Though false accusers and vile columniators in abundance.

"For gold they hunger; but ne'er thirst for fame." "It is well known that the least patriotic spark, "unawares catched,” and discovered, disqualifies a candidate from all further preferment in this famous and flourishing order of knights errant. It 2. I know not whether judge Minot was born in must however be confessed they are so catholic as 1762. He certainly never saw, heard, felt or unto admit all sorts, from the knights of the post to a derstood any thing of the principles or feelings of garter and star, provided they are thoroughly di- that year. If he had, he could not have given so vested of the fear of God and the love of mankind; frosty an account of it. "The warm speech" he and have concentrated all their views in dear self, mentions, was an abridgment or second edition of with them the only sacred and well beloved name, Otis's argument, in 1761, against the execution of or thing, in the universe.-See Cardinal Richelieu's the acts of trade. It was a flaming declamation political Testament, and the greater Bible of the against taxation without representation. It was a sect, Mandeville's fable of the bees. Richelieu, warning voice against the calamities that were expressly in solemn earnest, without any sarcasm coming on his country. It was an ardent effort to or irony, advises the discarding all honest men alarm and arouse his countrymen against the me from the presence of a prince, and from even thenacing system of parliamentary taxation.

3. Bernard was no great thing, but he was not a fool. It is impossible to believe that he thought the offensive passage treason, sedition, or of such danger and importance as he represented it. But his design was to destroy Otis. "There is your enemy," said Bernard, after a Scotish general, "if ye do not kill him, he will kill you."

4. How many volumes are concentrated in this little fugitive pamphlet, the production of a few hurried hours, amidst the continual solicitations of a crowd of clients; for his business at the bar at that time was very extensive and of the first importance; and amidst the host of politicians.

take away his life when he pleases: no body can give more power than he has himself. He that cannot take away his own life, cannot give another power over it"- Locke's discourse on government, part 2d, chap. 4.

"Though the legislative, whether placed in one intervals, though it be the supreme power in every or more, whether it be always in being, or only by commonwealth, yet in the utmost bounds of it, if it be limited to the public good of the society, it is a power that hath no end but preservation, and these can never have a right to destroy, enslave or design. edly impoverish the subjects.

put in them by the society and the laws of God and
"These are the bounds to which the trust that is
nature, have set to the legislative power of every
commonwealth in all forms of government:
"First, they are to govern by established promul-

5. Look over the declaration of rights and wrongs issued by congress in 1774;-look into the declaration of independence in 1776;-look into the writings of Dr Price and Dr. Priestely;-look into all the French constitutions of government, and to cap the climax, look into Mr.Thomas Pain's "Com-gated laws, not to be varied in particular cases but mon Sense," "Crisis" and "Rights of Man," what to have one rule for rich and poor, for the favorite can you find that is not to be found in solid sub-at court, and the countryman at plough. stance in the vindication of the house of represen tatives?

"Seconully, these laws ought to be designed for "Thirdly, they must not raise taxes on the proper. no other, end ultimately, but the good of the people. ty of the people, without the consent of the people, given by themselves or deputies."

6. Is it not an affront to common sense? an insult to truth, virtue and patriotism, to represent Patrick Henry, though he was my friend as much as Otis, as the father of the American revolution, and the founder of American independence? The transfer the power of making laws to any-body else, "Fourthly, the legislature neither must nor can gentleman who has done this, sincerely believed nor place any where but where the people have." what he wrote, I doubt not; but he ought to be made sensible that he is of yesterday, and knows nothing of the real origin of the American revolu-in distinct hands, as they are in all moderated "Where the legislative and executive power are Id chap 11. tion. monarchies and well formed governments, there

7. If there is any bitterness of spirit discernable the good of society requires that several things in Mr. Otis' vindication, this was not natural to him.should be left to the discretion of him that has -Ile was generous, candid, manly, social, friendly, the supreme executive power. This power to act agreeable, amiable, witty and gay, by nature, and according to discretion for the public good, withby habit. Honest, almost to a proverb; though out the prescription of law, and sometimes even quick and passionate against meanness and deceit. against it, is that which is called prerogative. But at this time he was agitated by anxiety for his country, and irritated by a torrent of slander and scurrility constantly pouring upon him from all quarters.-Mr. Ois has fortified his yindication in a long and learned note.—Which, in mercy to my eyes and fingers, I must borrow another hand to transcribe in another sheet:-

the community, and suitably to the trust and ends "This power, which employed for the benefit of of government, is undoubted prerogative, and never is questioned. For the people are very seldom or never scrupulous or nice in the point; they are far from examining prerogative whilst it is in any "The natural liberty of man is to be free from that is, for the good of the people, and not manitolerable degree employed for the use it was meant, any superior power on earth, and not to be under festly against it. But if there comes to be a questhe will or legislative authority of man, but to have tion between the executive power and the people, only the law of nature for his rule. The liberty of about a thing claimed as a prerogative, the tendenman in society is to be under no other legislative cy of the exercise of such prerogative to the good power, but that established by consent in the com- or hurt of the people, will easily decide the quesmonwealth; nor under the dominion of any will, tion. Prerogative is nothing but the power of door restrainst of any law, but what that legislature ing public good without a rule. The old question shall enact according to the trust put in it. Free-will be asked in this matter of prerogative. But dom then is not what sir Robert Filmer tells us, who shall be judge when this power is made a "A liberty for every one to do what he lists, right use of? I answer: between an executive pow. to live as he pleases, and not to be tried by any er in being with such prerogative, and a legisla. laws." But freedom of men, under government, tive, that depends upon his will, further convening, is to have a standing rule to live by, common to there can be no judge on earth, as there can be every one of that society, and made by the legis- none between the legislative and the people. Should tative power erected in it; a liberty to follow my either the executive or legislative, when they have own will, in all things where that rule prescribes got this power in their hands, design or go about not, and not to be subject to the unknown, uncon- to destroy them, the people have no other remedy stant, uncertain, arbitrary will of another man; a in this, as in other cases-when they have no judge freedom of nature is to be under no restrains: but upon earth, but to appeal to heaven. Nor let any the law of nature. This freedom from absolute one think that this lays a perpetual foundation for arbitrary power, is so necessary to, and closely disorder-for this operates not till the inconvenijoined with a man's preservation, that he cannot ency is so great that the majority feel it, and are part with it but by what forfeits his preservation weary of it, and find a necessity to have it amend. and life together. For a man not having powered. But this the executive power or wise princes over his own life, cannot by compact or his own never need come in the danger of, and it is the consent enslave bimself to any one, por put himself thing of all others, they have most need to avoid, der the absolute arbitrary poner of another, to as of all others the most perilous." Id. chap. 14.

"Fatherly authority, or a right of fatherhood in our author's sense (i. e. sir Robert Filmer) is a divine unalterable right of sovereignty, whereby a father, or a prince, (and a governor might have been added) hath an absolute, arbitrary, unlimited and unlimitable power over the lives, liberties and estates of his children and subjects, so that he

may take or alienate their estates, sell, castrate or use their persons as he pleases, they being all his slaves, and he lord proprietor of every thing, and his unbounded will their law."-Locke, on govern

ment, b. 1st. ch. 2.

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The Democratic Press of Saturday last contains an able article entitled an "enquiry into the causes, conduct and consequences of the southern war." It is long, and has been already so extensively copied into other papers, that the following brief analysis may sufice for the RE GISTER.

1. The constitution expressly authorises the president to use the military force of the nation to repel invasion, or protect the people thereof and their property, without waiting for congress to declare war: the writer says

"He that will not give just occasion to think that "It is a fact, that, altho' the United States have all government in the world is the product only of never since their national existence, had the temforce and violence, and that men live together by ple of Janus quite shut up, but, like all other rising no other rules but that of beasts, where the empires, have been obliged to maintain their ele strongest carries it, and so lay a foundation for per-vation as they go, by arms and warlike attitudes, petual disorder, mischief, tumult, sedition and re- yet the declaration of war against Great Britain in bellion, (things that the followers of that hypothe-1812, is the only declaration of war on the records sis, i. e. Filmer, and the advocates for passive of congress. There was no declaration of war obedience, so loudly cry out against) must of necessity find out another rise of government, another original of political power, and another way of designing and knowing the persons that have it, than sir Robert Filman hath taught us."-Locke, on government, b. 2d, chap. 3d.

"This other original Mr. Lotke has demonstrat ed to be the consent of a free people. It is possible there are a few, and I desire to thank God there is no reason to think there are many among us, that can't bear the names of liberty and prospe rity, much less that the things signified by those terms should be enjoyed by the vulgar.

against France in 1798: but acts of congress simply dissolving treaties and authorising reprisals. There was no declaration of war against Tripoli in 1802; nor against Algiers in 1815; but acts of congress providing merely for the protection of American commerce and seamen against the Tripolitans and the Algerines, authorising captures, and other precautionary measures of hostility. There certainly was no act of congress, in 1811, authorising the fri. gate President to make war on the Little Belt."

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He then instances the several wars with the Indians during the administration of president Wash"These may be inclined to brand some of the ington, and observes that no one denied "his constitutional authority to employ the public force in principles advanced in the vindication of the house, offensive operations for the public protection." with odious epithets, seditious and levelling. Had The Seminoles had invaded our territory and murany thing to justify them been quoted from col.dered and plundered our people and conflagrated Algernon Sidney, or other British martyrs to the their dwellings-and, he says, "to stop repulsion liberty of their country, an outcry of rebellion at a degree of latitude, and leave invasion there would not be surprising. The authority of Mr. unmolested to coil up its folds and renew its raLocke has therefore been prefered to all others for vages, is the pretended, and the bloody scruple of these further reasons-1st. He was not only one of of a perverted conscience, untrue to its country, the most wise, as well as most honest, but the most incompatible with its constitution, its existence impartial man that ever lived. 24. He professed- and its history." ly wrote his discourses on government, as he himself expresses it:-"To establish the throne of the great restorer king William, to make good his title in the consent of the people, which being the only one of all lawful governments, he had more fully and clearly, than any prince in christendom, and to justify to the world the people of England, whose love of liberty, their just and natural rights, with their resolution to preserve them, saved the nation when it was of the brink of slavery and ruin." By this title our illustrious sovereign, George the III. (whom God long preserve) now holds. 3d. Mr. Locke was as great an ornament, under a crowned head, as the church of England ever had to boast off.

Hence the war against the Seminoles is made out to be perfectly within the constitutional authority of the president, and the pursuit of them justi. fied as a plain measure of safety.

2. He then considers the war as carried on in the

Spanish territory, and briefly alludes to some of the intrigues of the Spaniards with the Indians, as early as 1790, when they interfered to prevent a negocia tion with the Creeks, through the secretary of East Florida, who came to New York with a large sum of money for the purpose

"Late similar intrigues need not be recapitulated, they are well known. Spain and England have been the patrons of this new and most atrocious edition of the spirit of the Propaganda: The Unit"Had all her sons been of his wise, moderate, to-ed States of America have lost not less than twenlerant principles, we should probably never have heard of those civil dissentions that have so often brought the nation to the borders of perdition.Upon the score of his being a churchman, however, his sentiments are less liable to the invidious reflections and insinuations that high flyers, jacobites and other stupid bigots, are apt too liberally to bestow, not only upon dissenters of all denominations, but upon the moderate, and therefore infinitely the most valuable part of the church of England itself."

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ty thousand of their people, of all ages, sexes and conditions, most barbarously sacrificed to the grim deity of this infernal system; while their benevo lent endeavours to reclaim and civilize the savages have been retarded and almost destroyed by his votaries.-Coeval with the existence of the Ameri can governments, these intrigues, as they are termed, have never ceased to be prosecuted; they have grown with our growth, till, such is the prodigious mutation of a short time, their reaction upon their authors, places in the grasp of this adolescent re. public the lawful means of wresting from the Spanish monarch a province which received its name from a Spaniard whose demise seems to have

been the forerunner of the downfal of his great country.

sorily, as was intended at the outset, examined this interesting subject as respects our own constituti "The relative condition of the Indians and the onal rights, the rights of the Indians, and those of European nations whose descendants inhabit North the Spaniards, something remains to be said of the America, is somewhat ambiguous and complicated. English episode to the grand epic. A narrative of In the negociations preceding the treaty of Paris what is understood to be an outline of the circumin 1763, France endeavored to prevail on England stances of the cases of Arbuthnot and Ambristie to consider the Indian tribes of America as inde-will serve to shew, without illustration, that they pendent powers, and to treat respecting them ac deserved the unhappy fate inflicted upon them. cordingly, as sovereignties under the protection of When the American army arrived at St. Marks, France. But England refused and France aban- Arbuthnot was there. After taking his measures doned the overture. At the late treaty of Ghent, for surprising the Seminoles, encamped at the Su the English commissioners renewed this proposal, wannee towns, about ninety miles distant, the ininsisting on their right and duty to negociate for defatigable general led his eager troops by forced the Indian nations as independent powers under marches to the scene of action. But apprised of their protection. It is unnecessary here to consi-his approach the savages had escaped, with their der this curious point of political philosophy. immense convoys of horses, cattle and supplies, on Spain shall have either alternative of the syllogism, which the American commander had reckoned for and yet the capture of St. Marks and Pensacola a refreshment, very much wanted for his exhaust. will be justified. All that is asked for is, that Spain ed men. By an intercepted letter of Arbuthnot's shall not take both, or neither, as suits her prediit appeared that he was the traitor from whom the cament. If the Indians, inhabiting Florida, are independent of Spain, then Florida, inhabited by those Indians, is not a Spanish but an Indian territory: and of course Spain cannot complain of our arms repelling the Indian invaders beyond the common froutier, to the uttermost recesses of their territories. On the other hand, if the Indians are dependent on Spain, then they are qualified Span. -ish subjects, the Spaniards are identified in Flori. da with the Indians: and it has been demonstrated that as between the Americans and their Indian invaders, lawful repulsion has no territorial bounds."

The case of gen. Wayne and the commander of the British fort on the Miami, in 1794, is then alluded to-Wayne destroyed the houses and corn fields above and below the fort, and burnt some within pistol shot of it; among them the store house and stores of the famous dealer in scalps, the British col. McKee. The British commander of the fort remonstrated; but Wayne disregarded him, and was justified by his government:

"The English, it is true, were entrenched on ground de jure American_territory, and only de facto commanded by the English. With this difference there is certainly much similarity in the circumstances of that event of the former war and events of the late one.

Indians derived their intelligence of the general's design to surprize them. While the army laid at Suwannee towns, after this disappointment, about eleven o'clock at night four interlopers were challenged by a centinel, attempting to enter the camp; two negroes, an Indian and Ambristie. They fled, when accosted, but were pursued and overtaken. On the return of the army to St. Marks, a general court martial was organized to try both these culprits, and condemned them to be executed. Certainly with perfect justice, if martial law is of any avail. Indeed the refined code of the modern law of nations will justify their deaths. "The city of Geneva, says Vattel, 1. 2. chap. 4. sec. 68. (the whole of these two sections are worth referring to for the sake of the subjcct generally) after defeatwhen an Englishman is the object. Andre, justly punished in the revolutionary war, for voluntarily entering upon a palpably dishonest and ungentlemanly business, is celebrated as an unfortunate victim, and his name is made familiar to our children [almost] as an innocent man, by lugubrious tales and odes, one of which newly-made is just now taking its round through the newspapers; whilst that of a better man than ever he was,young, amiable and beloved, high spirited and devoted to his country, who suffered under the same "This position, decisively occupied, as it is be-rigid law that condemned Andre to the scaffold, lieved to be, may yet be corroborated.-Gen. Jack-though his object was intelligence instead of corson has alleged to the world that the Spaniards ruption, and who was treated with as much harsh. first furnished the Indians with means of aggres-ness as there was of lenity shewn to the Briton, sion, and afterwards gave them protection when is not recollected by one in ten thousand. But repelled beyond our borders. A chieftain is the it was this man's misfortune that he was an Amērisubject of one article of the capitulation of Pen- can!-I allude to the noble capt. HALE, whose case sacola. This imputation, thus averred,and vouched, has been noticed several times in this work: [see will of course be taken as in proof; at least till vol. II, pages 129 and 159; and vol. XI, 199.] And disproved. It is moreover a notorious fact that such is the extent of this lop-sided sympathy, that Spain, tho' most potent in the faculty of supplying I shall not be surprized to hear Arbuthnot held the Indians with implements of warfare, is alto- forth as a "pattern of piety" and "patriotism," gether unable to coerce their tranquility.-If so, when Hart, of Kentucky, murdered at the river may not repulsion be lawfully carried into the ar- Raisin, is generally forgotten. Capt. Hart's mourn. senals and magazines of our enemies, whence they ing widow breathed her last a few days since at sally forth for our invasion? The just and unques. Philadelphia. Prostrated by the savage assassina. tionable principle of self-defence would stop far tion of her gallant busband, this "lovely woman," short of the attainment of its ligitimate objects, as she is described to have been, gradually sunk unless permitted to go that indispensable length." to the grave, another victim of ruthless war. In The writer proceeds and gives the following view of certain incidents which have so much excited the sympathy of some"-"Having thus cur.

It is strange that the sympathies of the people of the United States are so often most excited

Dec. last, by the advice of her friends, she sought an effect of climate at New-Orleans, and in June last arrived at New-York, pursuing health. The hope of regaining it was abandoned-she was returning to Kentucky to die among her children and friends, when death arrested her journey,

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