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THE MARINE INSURANCE BUSINESS AS CONDUCTED IN FOREIGN

COUNTRIES.

The Report from Newcastle-on-Tyne, England. - The Report from
Cardiff, Wales. - The Report from Havre, France: Part Third,
Hulls, Wooden; Freights; Iron Sails Ships (French or Foreign);
Additional Premiums for Special Voyages; Navigation in Winter
in the North Seas; Hulls of Steamers, Wood or Iron; Foreign
Steamers; Insurance by the Voyage, Additional Premiums. — Re-
view of Foreign Insurance Systems. Comparative Safety at Sea.
-Proportionate Losses of Different Nations, Steamers above 50
Tons, Table. Ditto, Sailers above 50 Tons, Table

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Faults of Admeasurement. Favoritism to Steamers and Foreign Ship-
ping. Comparative Tonnages of Steam Fleets, Table. Admeas-
urement Allowances. Foreign Net-Tonnage Rules. - A Test
Office for Tonnage Surveys. - Evils of our Tonnage-tax Laws. —

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AMERICAN MARINE.

CHAPTER I.

THE NATIONAL INTEREST IN A MARINE.

IT may be laid down as fundamental, that every interest which largely employs and rewards labor, develops resources and augments wealth, aids social progress and increases knowledge, is of national concern. But especially is this true of those trades and pursuits whose growth strengthens the state, guards its independence, and makes its safety sure. In line with this maxim, our foremost statesmen, from Washington down, have endeavored to square their work. In our early history Mr. Jefferson declared that Agriculture, Manufactures, Commerce, and Navigation constituted the four pillars of our prosperity. Mr. Webster expressed a similar thought in 1824. He said that it was a fundamental axiom that the great interests of the country were united and inseparable; that agriculture, commerce, and manufactures must flourish together or languish together, and that all legislation was dangerous which proposed to benefit one of them without looking to the consequences that might fall upon the others.

As

It is, therefore, for fitting and peculiar reasons that shipbuilding, navigation, and commerce have always called for national care and promotion from politic maritime states. a maritime people, not only have we a common right in the sea, and consequently a national interest in all its pursuits, but the protection of our trade abroad, resistance to aggression and retaliation for wrongs, and our defense against naval attacks, must be effected by ships and seamen. As a maritime people, our home is not only on our own soil, and our industries those of the land, but our abode is likewise on the ocean, and our pursuits include the work of the sea. On the sea, as

on the land, our people live and toil; therefore, on both elements must our national power be shown. As an independent nation, we must build up and maintain, as well in peace as in war, a marine and navy of our own, or possess no real greatness as a state, no influential rank among the powers of the world, and no valid voice in its affairs.

Sovereignty of the Sea. The ocean is a vast domain. Of the earth's surface, seventy-three per cent. is water and twentyseven per cent. is land. While military power has been most displayed ashore, history tells of many struggles for possession of the sea. Although the oceans and navigable seas belong in common to all the nations of the earth, only the maritime states and people can enjoy their advantages and profit from their pursuits. These benefits may thus be proved: though the maritime nations fly their flags over forty per cent. only of the habitable land, yet, through their shipbuilding and navigation, they virtually rule all the land and sea, and the world entire.

When we consider that in territory, population, production, coast lines, harbors, and foreign trade we rank now either first or second in the world, the idea presents itself that in future we may rightfully stand preeminent among the maritime powers, if only we do but claim our rights and cultivate our natural interest in the domain of the sea.

Necessity for Ships. rights that are not asserted. To assert our rights at sea, we must sail it with our ships. With no marine, we shall have no rights and receive no benefits from the wide domain which is given into our hands. Such a situation would be that of a people planted in the heart of a continent, disunited and distant from the sea. To choose a lot like theirs evidences no statesmanship guiding our course; discloses neither enterprise nor skill, independence nor courage. It is not becoming to American character and the high civilization of our people. It sacrifices our self-respect, while it forfeits our title to rank among navigating nations, who alone control the world. To give up the ship and relinquish the sea is to yield so much of right, of possession, and advantage, that our delinquency would surely bring disrepute and invite attack from inferior powers.

Nations are like men; they concede no

In the present state of maritime advancement, so much of the

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