WAGES OF SEAMEN OUT OF CHICAGO, SAIL VESSELS, 1890.

American officers have 83 per cent. higher wages than Brit

ish. This applies to the ocean and the Lakes.

AVERAGE MONTHLY WAGES OF FARM LABOR.

It will be noted that the highest wages paid are in the protected lake and coasting trades, and that the wages in the unprotected foreign trade are the lowest given. In the Southern ports, however, where we have but little shipping in foreign trade, the wages are about the same for all trades, and higher than in the Northern cities visited most by foreign ships. The best American seamen are doubtless those who sail in the best paid domestic trade. The aliens, as a class, number most, proportionately, in the foreign trade.

While the facts thus far given clearly establish the unequal footing and disadvantage on which American vessels are obliged to run in competition with foreign shipping, there is further testimony to be presented in other chapters. The evidence is overwhelming that American ships and seamen must receive governmental care and encouragement, if they are to exist in numbers sufficient for mercantile economy and maritime defense.

CHAPTER XXIII.

A DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE.

HAVING considered the principal obstacles and difficulties which have arisen and surrounded our navigation in foreign trade, it may be next in order to indicate the measures necessary for their removal, Some of these seem to suggest themselves. It has not been shown, however, that our government itself has a want that should first be supplied. As a preparation and support for all measures proposed or adopted, it is needful that a department of government be established, to take in special charge the general shipping and commercial interests of the country. The magnitude of these interests far transcends that of some others now presided over by separate cabinet officers. We have a secretary of war, although we have no wars, and but a nucleus of an army; and a secretary of the navy, notwithstanding we have only a few fighting ships, and, without a marine of our own, really have no naval power; and we might as well have a secretary of commerce, as of war and the navy, even should we remain dependent on foreign shipping to carry on our trade with the world.

For a long time past has our government been wanting in eyes and ears and understanding of the needs of navigation and commerce. Interests not represented in the cabinet are not kept before the country, and soon lose importance. In our administrations the sea has never had representation proportionate with the land. Since the war, especially, it has been all for the land, and nothing for the sea, in cabinet and Congress. This want of voice for the interests of the sea has caused inattention to their failure and decay.

Governmental supervision of commerce and navigation should be as effective in the United States as where it now exists in all foreign countries that cherish naval and commercial power. A department of commerce would represent in its

work not only the national but the individual interest. It would do for the mercantile, the mechanical, the nautical, and cognate interests connected with the sea, what the Department of Agriculture does for the business of tilling the soil, in originating and promoting advantageous measures in the farming interest, and in removing obstacles to its success. Not only the administration of the laws of Congress concerning commerce and navigation, but the duty of watching and studying their operations, investigating the working of foreign laws and customs, and acquainting Congress with all the facts needed for improvement or defense, in our policy or laws, would devolve upon the department of commerce.

Many a matter of importance to our shipping or foreign trade has been overlooked or adversely settled in cabinet councils, for the want of an officer present, whose business it should be, at all times, to consider the effect of measures with reference to the great interests under his charge. A secretary of commerce would be chosen in view of his fitness and ability to advise upon questions of trade and transportation, as a secretary of state is chosen for his knowledge of diplomacy and international law; as a secretary of the treasury for his ability in finance; an attorney-general for his legal attainments, and so forth.

These, and other thoughts of a similar character have given rise in the past twelve years to the passage of many resolutions by Boards of Trade and Chambers of Commerce, and Conventions of Shipping in our principal cities, favoring a department of commerce in the administration of the government. It is felt by thoughtful citizens, everywhere, that our government is weak and wanting in its policy and attitude toward the sea. That it is not wise, but shortsighted and impolitic. That it is not thoughtful, but neglectful, of gaining maritime wealth and power. That it is not friendly to, but at variance with, naval and commercial development. In short, that it is behind the times with conservatism, in its want of sympathy with ships and shipping enterprises, and its lack of live Americanism seaward.

The Office of Secretary of the Treasury. If it be said that the Secretary of the Treasury administers the law relative to commerce and navigation, and, therefore, is charged with the

care of these great interests, it will not be difficult to show that the average Secretary of the Treasury has not taken care of them, but left them to shift for themselves. The study of taxation and the collection of revenue is the principal office of the Secretary of the Treasury. The reports of these officers are bound up in a volume entitled "Finance." When a Treasury officer thinks of a ship it is in connection with revenue fees or fines, and not at all for the purpose of studying and promoting the national interest in navigation. While a few secretaries of the treasury have advised Congress in the view of this interest, the greater number have said nothing for it, and some have recommended injurious legislation, as we may learn from the record, which will now be examined.

The Reports of the Secretaries. Alexander Hamilton, the first Secretary of the Treasury, in his reports to Congress, seems not to have mentioned any measures that would be advantageous to our commerce and navigation. Congress, under the lead of Mr. Madison, in the first bills passed, had well protected these important interests, and they were prosperous under his administration.

Oliver Wolcott, 1795-1800, had no occasion to propose measures in the interest of navigation.

Albert Gallatin, secretary from 1801 to 1813, called the attention of Congress to the need of legislation but once, and then it seems there was a lack of law to prevent our vessels in the coasting trade from violating the non-intercourse act with England and France. He advised:

"That either the system of restriction, partially abandoned, must be reinstated in all its parts, and with all the provisions necessary for strict and complete execution, or that all the restrictions, so far at least as they affect the commerce and navigation of the citizens of the United States, ought to be removed."

Except in the last clause, presented as an alternative, there was nothing in this statement favoring American commerce and navigation. Mr. Gallatin was willing that these interests should be extinguished by persistence in an evil policy.

A. J. Dallas, 1813-15, made no reference to the interests of commerce and navigation.

William H. Crawford, 1816-24, found nothing to communicate on these great topics.

Richard Rush, 1825-28, referring to the operation of the tariff of 1824, advised Congress that our foreign commerce for 1825 had not declined in consequence of higher duties. Concerning the preponderance of carriage in American bottoms, which was then at its zenith and destined soon to fall, he observed:

:

1

"Considering that the vessels of those foreign nations with which the United States have the most extensive commercial intercourse are now placed upon a footing of equality, as to duties, and charges of whatever kind, in our ports, with the vessels of the United States, this heavy excess of American tonnage is a signal proof of the flourishing state of our navigation. It may serve to show that the efficient protection extended to it by the laws of Congress, succeeded in establishing it in a manner to meet and overcome all competition. Before the era of those laws, it is known how this great interest languished; how little able it proved, before the auxiliary hand of government was stretched out, to support itself against the established superiority, and overwhelming competition, which it had to face in the world."

Since the time of Secretary Rush shipping experience has proved that what must be built up by protection must be maintained by it. "Equality as to duties in our ports," granted to foreign vessels, has undermined our preponderance of carriage, and built up that of our rivals, to a ruinous extent for

us.

Samuel D. Ingham, 1829-30, was much concerned about the privileges of coasting vessels, and desired restrictions to prevent illicit trading. He also wanted the credit system, then in vogue for duties, improved, i. e., made harder for the merchants. This credit system was a principal feature in the protection which they had had from the origin of the government. The Secretary was deeply concerned for the revenue, but, apparently, cared nothing about injuring American com

merce.

Louis McLane, 1831-32, was the first Secretary of the Treasury to consider what Congress might do to help the navigating interest. He observed:

"The burden to which the interests of navigation have been subject by the existing duties [tariff of 1828] on articles necessary in shipbuilding must not be overlooked, and while equitably adjusting other 1 Then 95.2 per cent. of imports, and 89.2 of exports.