The relation of Religion to the State is a question of vital importance to all nations, but to none is it of so great import ance as to those of a Republican form, those in which political power is distributed among many individuals, and extends to a large part of the people in general, as distinguished from a privi leged class. He who views a state rightly views it as a Unity: the sovereign power, whether it is lodged in one or in many, is that which gives a unity to all the members of the social body. In the middleage history of Europe, we see two contending bodies in a state, a body Political and a body Ecclesiastical, and the consequence was anarchy. The states of Eu without some like qualification, for he may do mischief by his writing as well as his oral preaching? This is true; and if it were possible, consistently with religious freedom, as here understood, to prevent persons from writing on Religion who have not had a competent Education, it would be a good thing to prevent them. So would it also be a good thing to prevent persons from writing on many other subjects, who know little or nothing about them, if it could be done consistently with letting those write who do understand what they are writing about. But it cannot be done; and as the free expression of opinion is essential to the full development of a nation's powers, both physical and intellectual, we must be content to take the bad with the good. Writ-rope have long been Christian States, and ing, however, is different from teaching and preaching. Oral instruction reaches thousands whom a book, however small or cheap, never can reach. If a man should propound doctrines destructive to all social organization in a learned and extensive work, it might be most prudent to take no notice of him. If he should propound them in a form adapted for universal circulation, the case is different; and if his doctrines are such as tend to overthrow the political system under which he lives, it would be a gross inconsistency to allow them to be circulated. Still more, if he should go about preaching them, would it be the business of the state to quench such a firebrand by any means, however severe, that are required for the purpose. In a Monarchy, such an evil is stopped by the monarch or his agents; but there is the danger that the interference may extend to cases when no real harm could be done by the circulation of the book or the preaching of the doctrine, and to cases in which good would follow. In a free state, no man is convicted of the of fence of writing or teaching what is bad without the judgment of his fellow-citizens-in England by a jury; and though a jury is neither always wise nor always impartial, no better means have yet been discovered of reconciling the free expression of opinion with the restraint of opinions which cannot be broached without danger to the state. the Christian Religion is inseparably blended with all European systems, and those of America, which have arisen out of them. In one state in Europe, the Papal State, the constitution is Ecclesiastical, and the Political is merged in it. In some other states of Europe the Ecclesiastical body is now completely subjected by the Political; in others the Ecclesiastical body still possesses large political power. The paramount importance of Religion leads many persons to conclude that the Ecclesiastical Estate should have political power, or at least that it should have the sole power of regulating all its own concerns. Those who maintain this proposition must admit that a state is not a Unity: it is a divided body, one member of which is to some extent independent of the whole body; a monstrous anomaly which can only breed confusion and stop all social improvement. If the state is to be One, must it be One as a Political body, or as a body Political and Religious? If there is only one religion in the state, and no other allowed, the state may be Politically and Religiously one. Such a state may be perfect in theory, but, in fact, its movements will not be towards improvement, but retrograde. Experience has shown that the free exercise of the understanding on all matters of speculation, on all matters of belief, on all matters that extend beyond the limits of sense, is as necessary to the development of the understanding, as freedom from unwise restrictions on trade and industry is necessary to the increase of national wealth. If a state then allows each man to think, speak, and so write as he pleases, subject only to the condition that he shall not speak, write or act, as to attempt to overthrow the power which gives him this freedom, the state must consistently declare, the sovereign body by its acts of legislation must declare, that it is neither a Religious nor an Anti-religious body. The state is neither Christian nor notChristian. But it is objected-it has been admitted that all European nations are now Christian, and that Christianity is intimately blended with them. frue; and for this reason,-the state need not occupy itself about the matter. It is admitted that Christianity has rooted itself in all our social systems deeper than any legislation can do. It pervades all society, its influence is above law. Christianity is therefore recognised by all; for as to the few speculative thinkers who do not recognise its truths, and as to the still larger number who are indifferent, they do not affect the great mass, It is a truth indisputable, a truth which no man in his senses can deny, that modern civilization is Christian; and that if all state establishments of religion were abolished, Christianity would exist in the minds of the great mass of a nation, and would be taught and propagated by zealous teachers. Nay, were a state to oppose itself to all religion, to persecute those who profess and those who teach it, Christianity would only flourish the more. For a state is directed by a comparatively small number, and this small number, if it opposed Christianity, would be precisely in the same position as if one man should attempt to control by force a million. If then Christianity pervades the mass of a nation, the political system, the Government, cannot oppose Christianity, and it need not be identified with it. Christianity, though one thing as contrasted with Mohammedanism or other religions, is not one in itself. There are numerous sects: all profess Christianity, but all differ among themselves in some matters of faith and ceremony. If all are allowed to differ, and all are allowed to profess Christianity as they choose, it is an idle thing to speak of a Christian State, if we understand thereby that the state is to be considered both a Political and a Religious body. It involves a contradiction, for the state can not be Christian in any given form, without being opposed to those who are Christians in a different form. It follows that in a state where all forms of Christianity are allowed, the state is not Christian, and it gives, or ought to give, no more encouragement to one form of Christianity than to another. It allows to all the free exercise of their religion, it subjects all alike to the same rules and restraints, it gives its aid and encouragement to all on equal terms. How far it shall give its aid, and in what form, is a matter that it is not necessary to determine here. It is enough to show that in a state which allows all forms of Christianity, the state as such is not Christian, and that when the principle of the free profession of any form of Christianity is once acknowledged, from that time the state has abandoned the character of being Christian as a state. The practical consequences of this must be that whatever remains there may be in an old state of this identity of a Church and a state, or, as it is sometimes expressed, union of church and state, the course of events, if it proceeds onwards in the same direction, must in time efface every trace of this union. If a state, besides allowing the profession of Christianity in any form, shall likewise allow the open profession of any other faith, that is not Christian, it is still more absurd to speak of the state, as such, being Christian. It is, as a state, as much non-Christian as Christian; and it must, to be consistent, give its protection to those who are not Christians as much as to those who are Christians, and as a state it must make no distinction between those who are not Christians and those who are. If the number of those who profess some faith which is not Christian should increase and approach to the number of those who are Christian, such a State would be threatened with anarchy or a revolution. But the amount of risk of this kind is not great; for as the world stands at present, there seems little danger of a Christian country becoming Mohammedanized, and not much prospect of a Mohammedan country becoming Christianized. The practical conclusion is, that in a State where perfect religious freedom, as it is termed, exists, the State treats all religious associations or communities alike it shows no favour, extends no aid, and gives no countenance to one more than to another. This is the true conclusion that is deduced where a State which had once one religion, and only one, and allowed no other, has so changed this its fundamental polity as to allow all religions to be professed openly, freely, without penalty, persecution, or restraint. In all that we have said on Education as a subject of legislation, it is assumed either that the state can enforce, if necessary, that which it enacts; or that the enactments of the state will be only the expression of the public will; or that they will be founded on reasons so clear and convincing as to receive, when promulgated, the assent and support of a majority large enough to secure their being carried into effect. If some one of these conditions cannot be fulfilled, the legislation is premature, and will probably be injurious. The extent of that department of Education with which the legislature should not interfere can only be fixed with precision by ascertaining the extent of its proper, that is, its useful interference. We may state, however, in general terms, that the early and domestic Education of the young of both sexes is in nearly all, perhaps all, modern political systems, placed beyond the reach of direct legislative control by the constitution of modern society. But inasmuch as one of the great functions of government is the instruction, direction, and superintendence of the teaching body, even the domestic Education is not beyond its influence, but will be subjected to it in precisely the same degree as the state shall succeed in forming a body of good teachers. For the importance and value of Education (in some sense or other: it matters not here in what sense) are universally admitted. The objects of Education, it is true, are often misunderstood by parents and those who have the charge of youth, and the means are as often ill-calculated for the end proposed. But this is only a consequence of igno rance, not an indication that Education is undervalued. When better objects and better means are proposed, whether by individual example or by associations of individuals called societies, or by the state, such objects and means will be readily embraced by all who can comprehend them. It being assumed that the objects and means thus presented are desirable in themselves, there can be no obstacle to the reception of them, so far as the state allows the reception to be voluntary, except the ignorance and prejudices (which are, in fact, only ignorance under another name) of those to whom they are proposed. But till this obstacle which ignorance presents is overcome, nothing can be effected in the way of improvement; and it being admitted, that as to the department of education under consideration, direct legisla-tion is not the proper means, some other means must be adopted. Individuals and societies often effect their benevolent objects by example, and by the authority of their name and character. The state may do the same. The influence of authority and example is in all countries most efficient when the sovereign power calls them in to its aid. Individuals may do much; societies have done more; but Society (the whole, in its collective power) is the body from which all improvements must come that are calculated to operate on the mass. From these considerations we conclude that if any state seriously and anxiously apply itself to the business of forming a body of teachers, it is impossible to foresee how far the beneficial influence of such a body, well organized, may extend. It may penetrate into the house of the wealthy, where the child who is born to the possession of wealth is not thereby secured in the enjoyment of it, or against any one calamity of human life. His wealth may be wasted by improvidence; his health may be enfeebled by indolence and debauchery; his under can standing may be cramped and corrupted | governed; the difference in forms of by vicious Education and bad example; government or in the distribution of the and he may become an object of detesta- sovereign power being mainly to be contion and contempt, though born to the sidered a difference in the instruments or command of wealth sufficient to pur- means by which an end is to be obtained. chase all the luxuries that combined in- But still this difference is important. genuity and industry can produce. This Where the sovereign power is in all those influence may also reach, and perhaps who as individuals are subject to it, the sooner and more effectually reach, the coincidence of power and of interest is hovels and the garrets of the poor, where complete; and the nearer any form of gothousands of children are now brought vernment approaches to this distribution up under such circumstances, that to be of power, the more obvious and the unhealthy, vicious, criminal, and un- stronger is the principle laid down. The happy, are the only results which, as a principle may express a common-place general rule, can follow from the given truth; but the consequences that flow conditions of their existence. When the from it are numerous and important. unhappy wretch, who cannot be other When it is clear that the state than what he is, has at last transgressed promote the general good by its reguthe limits of the positive morality of lations, its business is to make regulasociety, and got within the verge of the tions. If regulations will not promote penalties of the law, his crimes are bla- the general good, that is a reason for zoned forth by the public prints, the re- not making them. Now, to protect a spectable part of society are shocked at man in the enjoyment of his property, and the disclosures, and are only relieved from to preserve him from the aggressions of their pain when the criminal is hid in a others, is a main part of the business of prison, or his life is taken by the execu- governing. For this purpose restraints tioner. But the example is soon forgotten, and punishments are necessary: immeand misery and vice fester in the very diately, to protect the injured, and give heart of society unheeded, till some new compensation, when it can be given; warning again startles it from its lethargy. remotely, to prevent others from being Some zealous promoters of education injured, and, so far as it can be done, to set great value on books as a means of reform the offender. But the punishment improvement, and much has been done of any offender, in its extremest shape, towards supplying all classes of society can do little more than prevent the same with better elementary works. This is a person from offending again. Those who department that perhaps should not be are deterred from crime by his example overlooked by the State; for good books can at any rate only be those to whom the are of course better than bad. But no example is known, and they are a small elementary books for learners will ever portion even of the actual society. Genereffect any great change. If the teachers ally, then, those who do not offend against are made what they ought to be, books the laws, do not offend, either because they are of little importance for learners; and have been sufficiently educated to avoid if the teachers are not well trained, a such offence, or because the opportunity good book in their hands will not be and temptation have not been presented much more efficacious than a bad one. to them, or because they know that punishThe kind of elementary books most ment may follow the crime. But a large wanted are books for the use of teachers. class of offenders have not been sufficiently Those who lay so much stress on books educated to enable them to avoid the comfor learners, and especially for the child- mission of crime; a very large number ren of the poor, speak as men who know are brought up amidst the opportunities, little of practical education. the temptations, and the example of crime, to oppose all which the single fact of knowing that the crime may be punished (and even that amount of knowledge is not always possessed by the criminal) is It may appear almost superfluous to ⚫ state that the true interest of the sovereign power, considered in all its bearings, must coincide with the interest of the all the means of resistance that such persons are armed with. In societies which boast of their wealth, their civilization, and their high intellectual cultivation, such is the feeble barrier opposed by those who have the government of a people between thousands of their fellow-citizens and the commission of crimes the penalties of which are always severe and often cruel. If the general considerations which we have urged are of any weight, there is no branch of legislation which comprehends so many important questions as are comprehended in the word Education, even when taken in its ordinary acceptation; but when viewed in all its bearings, it is of all questions most peculiarly that which it concerns the present age and the present state of society to determine. That Education was an integral, an essential part of legislation, was clearly seen by the Greeks, to whom belongs the merit of having approached, and often having solved, nearly all the important questions that affect the constitution of society. It was their good fortune to contemplate many truths from a nearer point of view and in a clearer light than we can do now. The relations of modern society are so numerous and complicated, that the mind is bewildered amidst the multiplicity and variety of facts, the claims of opposing interests, and the number and magnitude of the objects which are presented for its consideration. It is only by keeping ourselves as free as possible from mere party influences, and steadily looking to the general welfare as the end to be attained by and the true test of all political institutions, that we can hope to discover and apply the principles which shall secure, so far as such a thing can be secured, the universal happiness of a nation. "That the legislator should especially occupy himself with the education of youth, no one can dispute; for when this is not done in states, it is a cause of damage to the polity (form of government). For a state must be administered with reference to its polity; and that which is the peculiar characteristic of each polity is that which preserves and originally constitutes it; as, for instance, the democratical principle in a democracy, and the oligarchical in an oligarchy; and that which is the best principle always constitutes the best polity. Further, in every occupation and art a person must receive previous instruction and discipline, in order to the exercising of the occupation or art; consequently also to the enabling him to the exercise of virtue. Now, since the end of every state is one, it is evident that the education must be one, and of necessity the same for all, and that the superintendence of the education must be with the public and not with individuals, as it now is, when each indi vidual superintends his own children singly, and teaches them what he chooses. But when things are matter of public concern, the discipline pertaining to them must also be matter of public concern and we must not consider any citizen as belonging to himself, but all as belonging to the state; for each is a part of the state, and the superintendence of each part has naturally a reference to the superintendence of the whole. In the matter of education, as well as in other matters, the Lacedæmonians deserve praise; for they take the greatest pains about the educa tion of their children, and that, too, as á public concern. That, then, a state ought to legislate on education and make it a public concern, is clear; but what education is, and how education must be con ducted, is a subject for consideration.” (Aristotle, Politick, viii. c.) EFFENDI is a Turkish word, which signifies Master, Monsieur,' and is subjoined as a title of respect to the names of persons, especially to those of learned men and ecclesiastics, e. g. Omar Effendi, Ahmed Effendi, in the same manner in which Agha is placed after the names of military and court officers. The word Effendi occurs also as part of some titles of particular officers, as Reis Effendi, the title of the principal secretary of state and prime minister of the Ottoman empire, which is properly an abbreviation of Reis-al-Kottâb, i. e., the head or chief of secretaries or writers.' EGG-TRADE. The supply of apparently insignificant products of rural industry is often a branch of trade of considerable importance in this country. All these products must be obtained |