to be found in the Reports of the Census Commissioners, together with many singular facts illustrative of the state and destinies of our country. In following these, however, it will be necessary to consider Great Britain and Ireland separately. The first point illustrative of the condition of the people is, that the increase in the number of inhabited houses in England and Wales since 1831 was two per cent. greater than that of the population. Too much reliance, however, must not be placed upon this bare statistical result, as the quality of the houses may be a more important matter than their positive number; but so far as it goes it is satisfactory. The misery and destitution which prevail in many parts of Great Britain are undeniable; squalid poverty and glittering wealth meet the eye in every street; but the apparent fact of an increased house accommodation should make men hesitate before they declare that poverty is spreading at one extremity of society while wealth is agglomerating at the other. Apart from this direct evidence that one of the most painful results of poverty, the overcrowding of many families into the same houses, though painfully prevalent in Liverpool and some other places, has not generally increased-it may be asked what better proof, amongst many, can be given of the general prosperity of the masses of the people than the application of so vast a capital to productive industry as must have been required for the building of 500,000 new houses in a space of ten years? It is well known that the rate of increase of the population from 1831 to 1841 in England and Wales was apparently less than in the preceding ten years, by 1 per cent.; and if the bare fact of numerical increase were taken as a test of national strength and prosperity, this fact might be deemed a symptom of decay. To this discouraging view, however, a complete answer is given by the commissioners, who ascribe the apparently diminished rate of increase wholly to emigration. "The additional population which would be required in order to make the ratio of increase equal to that of the | former decennial period would be 208,998, being 14 per cent. on the population of 1831; and from returns which have been furnished from the Emigration Board, it appears that the total excess of emigration in the ten years ending 1841, compared with the ten years ending 1831, may be estimated at 282,322." (See Preface, p. 11.) Thus, instead of attributing this apparent decrease to the pressure of poverty by which the natural growth of population was checked, we must ascribe it to a cause which is calculated to raise the wages of labour in this country, while it affords to the emigrants a wider field and, we trust, a larger reward for their industry. Another fact of the highest importance is clearly proved, viz.-that the commerce and manufactures of Great Britain alone afford employment for the increasing population. While the increase upon the whole kingdom amounted, as already stated, to 13.2 per cent., the increase in the manufacturing and commercial counties was greatly above that proportion, and in the agricultural counties considerably below it. In Chester the increase was 18.3 per cent.; in Durham, 27.7; in Lancaster, 24-7; in Middlesex, 16; in Monmouth, 369; in Stafford, 24:3; in Warwick, 19.3; and in the West Riding of York, 18.2. In Buckingham the increase was only 64 per cent.; in Cumberland, 49; in Devon, 78; in Dorset, 9.9; in Essex, 8.6; in Hereford, 2·4; in Norfolk, 57; in Oxford, 6-2; in Suffolk, 6-3; in Westmoreland, 2-5; and in the North Riding of York 7 per cent. useless, therefore, to discuss the relative importance of agriculture and manufactures in the abstract; for agricultural counties cannot support their own population; while the manufacturing and commercial counties find employment for their own natural increase and for the surplus of other counties which the land cannot maintain. It is The relative increase of the agricultural and commercial population is shown by the following proportions per cent. : Agricul- Commer- Miscellatural cial. neous. But in 1831 the returns referred to fami- | lies, and in 1841 to individuals; and as a greater number of children are employed in manufactures than in agriculture, the difference may have been slightly augmented by this form of enumeration. A still more important point of comparison is the relative increase of different classes of occupations in the same period of 10 years from 1831 to 1841. A comparative return of the Commissioners (Preface, p. 21) includes males only aged 20 years and upwards, and exhibits the following results:-The number of occupiers and labourers in agriculture had decreased in that period from 1,251,751 to 1,215,264; but the Commissioners explain this result by supposing that numerous farm-servants had been returned in 1841 as domestic servants instead of as agricultural labourers. Persons engaged in commerce, trade, and manufacture had increased from 1,572,292 to 2,039,409 (or 29.7 per cent.): capitalists, bankers, professional and other educated men, from 216,263 to 286,175 (or 323 per cent.): labourers employed in labour not agricultural had decreased from 611,744 to 610,157: other males 20 years of age, except servants, had increased from 237,337 \o 392,211: male servants 20 years of age and upwards had increased from 79,737 to 164,384, including, however, as already noticed, many farm-servants. For the purpose of instituting a just comparison of the relative increase of particular employments, it must be understood that the total number of male persons 20 years of age and upwards (exclusive of army, navy, and merchant seamen) had increased, in this period of ten years, from 3,969,124 to 4,707,600 (or 18.6 per cent.). Making due allowance for the probable error in the return of agricultural labourers, we are forced to conclude that that class had either not increased at all or had increased in a very small degree: and that the class of labourers not agricultural had positively diminished: while capitalists, bankers, professional and other educated men, had increased 32.3 per cent.; persons engaged in trade and in manufactures 29.7 per cent.; and domestic servants 106 per cent., or allowing for farm-ser- | vants, say 90 per cent. Thus the two classes who earn the lowest wages were alone stationary or retrograde: the highest class in wealth and intelligence had increased 32.3 per cent.; and the domestic servants, whose numbers are a certain indication of the means of their employers, had increased 90 per cent. Nor must another important fact be omitted in connexion with the decrease in the class of labourers, viz. the immense numbers of Irish who notoriously perform the most laborious parts of industry. In Lancashire the persons born in Ireland formed, in 1841, 6-3 per cent. upon the whole population; in Cheshire, 3 per cent.; in Middlesex, 36 per cent.; in Ayrshire, 73; in Dumbartonshire, 11; and in Lanarkshire and Renfrewshire, upwards of 13 per cent. It would seem, therefore, that the class of British labourers are gradually raising themselves into a higher condition and more lucrative employments; and that the demand for the lowest description of labour, caused by their withdrawal from it, is supplied by their Irish brethren. The number of female domestic servants increased in Great Britain from 670,491 in 1831, to 908,825 in 1841, or 35 per cent. In concluding this statement of the industrial occupations of the people of Great Britain, it is gratifying to learn that the whole of the "almspeople, pensioners, paupers, lunatics, and prisoners" amounted in 1841 to 11 per cent. only upon the population. We may now pass to some of the most material facts disclosed by the census of Ireland. The constant migration of labourers from the agricultural counties of England to the manufacturing districts, and the extensive emigration of the last ten years, have been already noticed ; and precisely the same circumstances are observable in Ireland. In the period from 1831 to 1841 no less a number than 403,459 persons left Ireland, either to settle in the populous towns of Great Britain or to emigrate to the British Colonies or the United States; while an extensive migration was taking place, within Ireland itself, to Dublin and to other commercial and manufacturing places. The returns of house accommodation | similar classification had ever been in Ireland present a very lamentable adopted before, no comparison is pracpicture. The Commissioners have adopted ticable with any preceding period. a judicious classification by which the houses are distinguished under four classes, the last being that of the cabin or mud hut with one room, and the third class but one degree better. The following statement shows the proportion per cent. which the number of families in cach class of accommodation bear to the total number of families: The value of this classification is obvious, and if hereafter adopted in England it will render the statistics of house accommodation of considerably greater weight, in estimating the social condition and habits of the people. A mud hut upon a common ought not to rank even, in the array of figures, with the mansions of wealthy cities. Even in Ireland it appears that manufactures are attracting the agricultural population; for the number of families engaged in trade and manufactures have increased five per cent. since 1831; and the number employed in agriculture have diminished in a corresponding propor tion. The report of the Irish Census Commissioners abounds in highly interesting inquiries into the condition of the Irish people; but as they do not afford any comparison with the year 1831, the object which we had proposed cannot be carried any further with respect to that country. This succinct view of the material progress of society, as far as it admits of elucidation by statistics, is certainly incomplete without a consideration of its advances or retrogression in religion, in morals, and in education; but these questions, far more important in themselves than any we have here discussed, are not so immediately connected with the results of the Census. CENTRAL CRIMINAL COURT. [CIRCUITS.] CERTIFICATE. [BANKRUPT, P. 292.] CERTIORA'RI, in law, is a writ issuing from one of the superior courts, directing the judges or officers of an inferior court to transmit or cause to be certified (certiorari facias) records or other proceedings. The object of the removal is either that the judgment of the inferior jurisdiction may be reviewed by the superior court, or that the decision and the proceedings leading to it may take place before the higher tribunal. An instance of the former is where the convictions of magistrates or the judgments or orders of courts of quarter-sessions are removed by certiorari into the court of King's Bench by way of appeal against their validity, in which case the decision which has previously been given is re-considered, and is confirmed or set aside. An instance of the latter is where an indictment found against a peer by an inferior jurisdiction is certified or transmitted into the Court of Parliament or the Court of the Lord High Steward, in order that the further proceedings and the adjudication may take place before the proper tribunal. By this writ, indictments, with the proceedings thereon, may, at any time before actual trial, be removed from the assizes or quarter-sessions into the Court of King's Bench, as the supreme court of ordinary criminal jurisdiction. The 5 & 6 Wm. IV. c. 33, enacts that no certiorari shall issue to remove indictments or presentments from inferior courts to the Court of King's Bench, at the instance of a prosecutor, without leave obtained from the court, as by a defendant. In order to avoid the occurrence of frivolous appeals, it is usual in statutes which give summary jurisdiction to inferior tribunals to restrict, or altogether take away, the right to a certiorari. CE'SSIO BONO'RUM, in the law of Scotland, is the name given to a process by which, as by the insolvency system in England, the estate of an insolvent person who does not come within the operation of mercantile bankruptcy is attached and distributed among his creditors. The the person who obtains the privilege CESSION. BENEFICE, p. 349.] term is derived from the deed of cession, or the assignment by which, as the counterpart of the relief afforded to him from the immediate operations of his creditors, the insolvent conveys his whole property for their behoof. Both the nomenclature and the early practice of the system are taken from the Roman law. (Dig. 42, tit. 3, "de cessione bonorum.") According to the more ancient law, the person released from prison on a cessio bonorum was bound to wear a motley garment called the dyvour's habit. In later times this stigma became the penalty of fraud, and it was subsequently disused. Before the passing of the late act, the jurisdiction in the awarding of Cessio was entirely confined to the Court of Session, and the insolvent was required to have been a month in prison before he could sue out the process. By 6 & 7 Will. IV. c. 56, the system was remodelled. The process may now be sued out either in the Court of Session or in the sheriff's local court. It may be taken advantage of by any person who is in prison for civil debt, or against whom such a writ of imprisonment has issued. It proceeds on notice to the creditors, and an examination and surrender of the insolvent. Proceedings instituted in the Sheriff Court are liable to review in the Court of Session. Cessio bonorum exhibits, like the insolvency The office of lord great chamberlain system in England, this important differ- of England was once of the highest digence from mercantile bankruptcy, that |nity, and was held in grand serjeanty CHAMBERLAIN (custos cubiculi, or cubicularius, keeper of the chamber). Cubicularius was the Roman name for a slave whose special business was to look after the rooms or chambers in the house, introduce visitors, and the like. The cubicularius was thus a confidential slave or freedman, as the case might be, and a kind of guardian of his master's person. Under the emperors the cubicularii were officers in the imperial household; and were called the "cubicularii sacri cubiculi," the chamberlains of the imperial chamber. (Cod. xii. tit. 5.) The emperor's wife, the Augusta, also had her chamberlains. This office, like many others in royal households, is derived from the usages of the later Roman Empire. In the Anglo-Saxon times, in England, the chamberlain appears to have had the name of Camerarius, and had the keeping of the king's treasure (Ealred, in Vit. S. Edw. Confess., c. ii. p. 9), by which name this officer also occurs in the Domesday Survey. The word chamber (French, chambre) is from the Latin camera. the freemen who are liverymen. By an act of common council of 5 Henry IV. the office is an annual one, but it is very rarely that the existing officer is opposed. There has been no such opposition since 1778. The duties of the chamberlain are judicial and administrative. He admits on oath all persons entitled to the freedom of the city, and hears and determines all matters of complaint between masters and apprentices, and may commit either. He may discharge the apprentice from his indentures, and a part of the premium may be recovered by a peculiar process in the Lord Mayor's Court. An appeal is said to lie from the decision of the chamberlain to the lord mayor. The chamberlain has the conservation of lands, monies, or goods of citizens who die intestate, leaving orphans, on the application of such orphans or others on their behalf, for which purpose the chamberlain is deemed in law a cor from the second year of King Henry I. by the family of De Vere, from whom it passed, by a female heir, to the family of Bertie. By the statute of precedency, 31 Hen. VIII., the great chamberlain's place was next to that of the lord privy seal. In 1714 the Marquess of Lindsay, then hereditary great chamberlain of England, having been raised to the dukedom of Ancaster, surrendered this precedency for himself and his heirs, except only when he or they should be in the actual execution of the duties of the said office, in attending the person of the king or queen, or introducing a peer into the House of Lords. This surrender was confirmed by 1 Geo. I. c. 3. The duties which now devolve upon the great chamberlain are, the dressing and attending on the king at his coronation; the care of the ancient Palace of Westminster; the provision of furniture for the Houses of Parliament, and for Westminster Hall, when used on great occasions; and attend-poration sole; but such applications are ance upon peers at their creation, and upon bishops when they perform their homage. On the death of Robert, the last duke of Ancaster but one, in 1779, the office of hereditary great chamberlain descended to his two sisters, Priscilla, Lady Willoughby de Eresby, and Georgiana Charlotte, Marchioness Cholmondeley. The office is now jointly held by the families of Cholmondeley and Willoughby de Eresby, and the honours are enjoyed in each alternate reign by each family successively. now rarely made. As treasurer of the corporation he has to receive all rents, profits, and revenues of markets and other items of receipt forming the income of the corporation, and to pay all money on account of the corporation upon competent warrants or orders. The fixed annual income of the chamberlain is 1160l. 9s. 4d.: his "ancient bill of fees" is 941. 4s. ayear. He obtains an annual profit of from 1000l. to 2000l. from balances of the corporation money retained in his hands. This principle of remunerating a public officer is strongly objected to by the Commissioners of Corporation Inquiry (Second Report, p. 102). In the Exchequer Court of the County Palatine of Chester there is a chamberlain, an office generally held by some nobleman; and there is also a vice-cham The office of lord chamberlain of the king's household is changed with the administration. He has the control of all parts of the household (except the ladies of the queen's bed-chamber) which are not under the direction of the lord steward, the groom of the stole, or the master of the horse; the king's chaplains, phy-berlain. sicians, surgeons, &c., as well as the royal tradesmen, are by his appointment; the companies of actors at the royal theatres, as part of the household, are under his regulation, and he is also the licenser of plays. [THEATRE.] One of the officers in his department is styled Examiner of Plays. The chamberlain of the corporation of the city of London is an officer elected by There was an officer called the chamberlain in two hundred and three of the municipal corporations investigated in 1834 by the Commissioners of Corporation Inquiry. CHANCEL. This is rather a term of ordinary discourse than one which would be used in a technical description of the several parts of a Christian church. As far as we have observed, it is now used |