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Central Statistical Commission, assisted by | local committees for the several provinces, consisting each of five members, besides the "Intendente" of the province, who acted as its president. The system of enumeration by names was adopted, and the returns showed, for each person in a population of 4,650,370 souls, the name and surname; age; civil condition, whether single, married, or widowed; place of birth, whether in the province in which they resided, or subjects born in some other province; residents who were foreign subjects; occupation; and religious profession.

In Austria the census is taken every year, but neither sex nor occupations are distinguished; but this defect is partially remedied by the very accurate registry which is kept of the births, marriages, and deaths.

In the vast empire of Russia a census of the population is taken, but we are unable to state at what intervals; and there is a registration of births, marriages, and deaths. In Portugal a census was taken in 1841. In Spain a census has been taken at irregular periods; but at present the number of the population is only conjectured.

There is not at the present time a single European state (Turkey excepted) in which a census of the population is not taken with more or less minuteness; and this is accompanied, with few exceptions (amongst which are Scotland and Ireland), by a more or less perfect system of registering every birth, marriage, and death. [REGISTRATION OF BIRTHS, DEATHS, AND MARRIAGES.] In addition to these means of information respecting the population, there are in most states returns respecting property, which further illustrate the condition of the people. [STATISTICS.]

versity of Virginia, remarks:-" Our
changes are both greater and more rapid
than those of any other country. A re-
gion covered with its primeval forests is,
in the course of one generation, covered
with productive farms and comfortable
dwellings, and in the same brief space
villages are seen to shoot up into wealthy
and populous cities. The elements of
our population are, moreover, composed
of different races and conditions of civil
freedom, whose relative increase is
watched with interest by every reflecting
man, however he may view that diversity
of condition, or whatever he may think
of the comparative merit of the two
races.' The first census was taken in
1790, and referred to the 1st of August
of that year; the second in 1800, and
subsequently in every tenth year.
1830 the period of enumeration was
changed to the 1st of June, so that the
preceding decennium was two months
short of ten years. The last census was
taken on the 1st of June, 1840.

In

In

In the first census of the United States the heads of inquiry were five, and the numbers were ascertained of-1, Free white males, aged sixteen and upwards. 2, The same under sixteen. 3, Free white females of all ages. 4, Slaves. 5, Free persons of colour, for the phrase "all other persons" could comprise only them. In the second census the ages of the white population were ascertained and distributed under five heads, showing the number under 10; between 10 and 16; 16 and 26; 26 and 45; and 45 and upwards. The census of 1810 was taken in the same manner as that of 1800. the succeeding census, in 1820, free coloured persons and slaves were for the first time classified as to age and sex, and they were distributed in four divisions of ages. A column was added for In the United States of North America white males aged between 16 and 18. the representative system is based on The population was also classified as to numbers, and whenever direct taxation occupations in the three great divisions is resorted to, it is apportioned on the of agriculture, commerce, and manufacsame princip.e. A census is therefore tures. In 1830 the population was disindispensable; and provision was made tinguished with greater minuteness as to respecting it by the constitution of the age. The white population under 20 United States. There are other reasons was classed into quinquennial periods, which render a census of peculiar im- and from 20 and upwards into decennial portance. Professor Tucker, of the uni-periods. The free coloured persons and

slaves were classed, in respect to age, in | tion, with their means of employment, six divisions. The number of persons their command of the necessaries and blind, and deaf and dumb, were ascer- conveniences of life, the growth of capitained in each class of the population, tal, the extension of trade and manufacand their ages distinguished. No notice tures, and with other indications of the was taken in the census of 1830 of the progress of society. If it shall appear occupations of the people. The census of that in all these respects the means of en1840, on the contrary, is remarkable for joyment have increased more rapidly than its attempt to supply minute details of the population, this review of the national every branch of industry in the United resources will be most encouraging; and States, but in other respects the heads of may be more generally acceptable than a inquiry were the same as in 1830. Not tedious examination of the specific results only were the people classified according of the census itself. As the selection of to their occupations, but estimates were the various subjects of comparison will obtained relative to the annual products be made without reference to any preof industry, under the six heads of conceived theory, the accuracy of the Mines, with nine subdivisions; Agricul- facts may be relied on: and it is hoped ture, with twenty-nine; Commerce, with that no conclusions will be drawn from five; Fisheries, with five; the Forest, them which they do not fairly justify. with five; Manufactures, with forty-six subdivisions. It appears, however, from the American Almanac' (Boston, 1845) that the statistical details of productive industry are not so correct as could be wished. Professor Tucker, however, is of opinion that the errors so balance and compensate each other, as to afford on the whole "an approximation to the truth, which is all that the subject admits of." (Progress of the United States in Population and Wealth in Fifty Years, as exhibited by the Decennial Census. By George Tucker, Prof. of Moral Philosophy and Political Economy in the University of Virginia, Boston, 1843. This is a valuable and useful work, and it is to be regretted that no writer of this country has undertaken a similar task for the five censuses of Great Britain, the results of which are only to be found in the cumbrous volumes of Parliamentary Returns which give the details of each census.)

In several particulars, it will be necessary to advert to Great Britain and to Ireland separately; but it will be convenient, in the first place, to present a summary of the population of the United Kingdom in 1831 and in 1841, with calculations of the rate of increase per cent.

England
Wales

Scotland
Army, navy, and
registered sea-
men afloat
Persons travel-
ling on the
night of June 6
Islands in the

British Seas. }

GREAT BRITAIN.
IRELAND

1831.

1841.

Increase

per cent.

13,091,005 14,995, 138 14.5 806, 182 911,603 13 2,365,11 2,620,184 10.7

277,017

188,453

5,016

103,107 124,040 19.6

16,643,028 18,844,434 13.2 7,767,401 8,175,124 5.25

United Kingdom. 24,410,429 27,019,558 10.6

CENSUS OF 1841. In June, 1841, was taken the decennial census of Great Britain and Ireland, the results of which, The Irish census commissioners (Rewhen compared with other statistical re- port, p. xi.) enter into certain calculations, turns, afford the means of examining the by which they raise the per centage of condition and prospects of the country. increase in the population of Ireland from It is not proposed, in this article, to enter 5.25, as actually shown in the returns, to with any minuteness either upon the nearly 12 per cent. If the same prinmanner in which the census was taken, ciples of calculation were applied to the or upon the detailed results appearing in population of Great Britain, the increase the reports of the commissioners; but it is would also be greater; but it will be sufintended to present a comparison of the ficient, for the purposes of this inquiry, if increase and distribution of the popula- the entire population of the United King

dom, during the ten years from 1831 to 1841, be assumed to have increased 12 per cent.

In judging of the condition of the people, the first point which may be investigated is their consumption of those articles which are used more or less in proportion to their means. Unhappily there are no means of estimating the quantities of bread and meat or other staples of food produced in this country; but the quantities of auxiliary articles of food and luxury imported from abroad for home consumption, or manufactured in this country, are fair indications of the means possessed by the people of enjoying the comforts of life. If the increase in the consumption of such articles be in a greater proportion than the increase of population, it may reasonably be inferred that their means of enjoyment have generally increased; or, in other words, that the people enjoyed more comforts in 1841 than in 1831, relatively to their numbers.

The quantities of several articles which paid duty for home consumption in the United Kingdom, in 1831 and 1841 respectively, and the rate of increase, wil! appear from the following table :

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251,255 106 4 248,835 90.9 1,930,764 283.9 lbs. 22,715,807 28,420,980 25.1 29,997,055 36,396,078 21-3 140, 100 245,887 75.5 58,464,690 91,880,187 57.1

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Rice Eggs No Tallow. .cwts. Soap (hard) lbs. Tobacco. Crown-glass. cwt Plate glass Green or bottle glass 288,760 499,581 73.0 Paper lbs. 62,738,000 97,103,548 54.7 This list might be extended much further; but it will suffice to show that the consumption of these articles (restrained in some cases by too heavy a taxation) was enjoyed in a larger ratio than the increase of population, and that the comforts of the people must have been proportionately greater in 1841 than in 1831. Concurrently with this increased con

918,733 1,243,112 35-3 108,956,030 156,008,290 43.1 19,333,840 22,308,385 14:2 103,803 116,895 12.6 14,019 27,639 97-1

sumption of articles of comfort and luxury, it is worthy of special notice that the use of intoxicating drinks had apparently decreased. We are not aware of any causes which encouraged the smuggling or adulteration of spirits in 1841 which did not exist in 1831; and yet it appears, from the returns, that the consumption of duty-paid spirits of all kinds, whether British or foreign, had decreased in that interval to the extent of 7.8 per cent. In the same period the consumption of all wines had increased only 3.9 per cent. The consumption of beer cannot be ascertained, but the quantity of hops that paid duty had fallen from 36,500,028 lbs. in 1831, to 30,504,108, or 19.6 per cent.; and of malt, from 40,334,987 bushels to 35,656,713, or 13·1 per cent. From these facts, however, no certain inference can be drawn, on account of the great varieties in the natural produce of these articles in different years, and of the free use of other ingredients by brewers.

Our view of the evidences of increased consumption may be closed by the notice of the three articles of timber, cottonwool, and wool, all of which are used solely in giving employment to productive industry. Taking all the different kinds of imported timber, there appears to have been an increase of 37.5 per cent. In cotton-wool there was an increase of 61.1 per cent.; and in sheep and lambs' wool imported, of 78.7 per cent.

The next subject of comparison may be the exports of British and Irish produce and manufactures from the United Kingdom, in 1831 and in 1841, from which the manufacturing and commercial condition of the country, and the employment of its people, at those periods, may be collected.

The quantities and declared value of some of the principal articles of export are exhibited in the table in the following page::

On referring to the two last columns of this table, it appears that the value of the exports did not always increase in the same ratio as the quantities; but the total declared value of all British and Irish produce and manufactures exported in 1831 was 37,164,3721.;

1841,

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51,634,623.; thus showing an aggregate increase of 38.9 per cent.

Another evidence of the increased commerce of the country is afforded by the returns of shipping. In 1831, 20,573 ships (British and foreign) engaged in the foreign and colonial trades, entered inwards; of which the total tonnage amounted to 3,241,927. In 1841 the number of ships had increased to 28,052, and the tonnage to 4,652,376; thus showing an increase of tonnage in the proportion of 43.5 per cent. In 1832, 119,283 ships were employed (including their repeated voyages) in the coasting trade, of which the tonnage amounted to 9,419,681. In 1841 the number of ships had increased to 146,127, and the tonnage to 11,417,991, showing an increase of 21.2 per cent. in the tonnage employed.

Thus far an increased prosperity can admit of no doubt. It is evident that consumption, production, and commerce all increased in a greater ratio than the population. But it may here be asserted that profits were low, and that, notwithstanding the outward signs of prosperity,

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the capital, available for further enterprises, was not increasing with corresponding rapidity. The evidences of accumulation cannot be of so distinct a character as those of consumption and production; but it may be asked, in the outset, how could so vast an increase in the productive industry of the country, in the value of its exports, in its shipping and commerce, have been supported without prodigious additions to its capital? The best evidence of the quantity of capital in a country is its results. Without a sufficient quantity, production and consumption could not continue to increase: and as capital is likely to be applied to production and consumption as much at one period as at another, all that seems necessary for ascertaining the increase of capital, is to know the increase of its immediate results. If, in addition to the vast increase of production and consumption which could only have been supported by a proportionate amount of capital, we see the price of all public securities high, the interest of money low, and capital seeking investment in every specu

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lative enterprise, and devoted to religious | in 1842 at 9,284,3821. In the absence o and charitable objects over the whole any intermediate assessment a rough estiworld, it is absurd to doubt the abundance mate only can be made of the increase in of capital. But in addition to this in- the value of real property between 1831 direct evidence of the increase of capital, and 1841; but we are inclined to think there are other indications of its accumu- it was not less than from 20 to 25 per lation, of a more direct nature, a few of cent. In 1815 the annual profits of trade which may suffice:in England and Wales were assessed at 35,028,0517. No similar account for 1842-3 has yet been published ; but as the actual receipts by government amounted to 1,466,9851. at 21. 18s. 4d. per cent.,after exempting all profits under1 50l. a year, the annual amount of all profits above 150l. a year may be fairly estimated at 50,153,3331.; and after adding a fifth, or 10,000,000l., for profits under 150l., the proportion of increase which accrued between 1831 and 1841 will not be overrated at 20 per cent.

Notwithstanding the discouragement of insurance, caused by a duty of 200 per cent., the sums insured against fire, in the United Kingdom, amounted in 1831 to 526,655,3321.,and in 1841 to 681,539,8397.; being an increase of 29.4 per cent. The accumulations annually made through the instrumentality of life assurance are known to be enormous, but no reasonable estimate can be made of their amount, nor any comparison of the rate of increase in the period of which we are treating. The most interesting evidence of accumulation is presented by the returns of savings' banks. In 1831 there were 429,503 depositors, whose deposits amounted to 13,719,495. in 1841 there were 841,204 depositors, and the amount of their deposits had increased to 24,474,6891.; so that, both in number and amount, the deposits may be said to have been doubled in this short period of ten years. The capital invested in railways in the same period may safely be estimated at upwards of 60,000,000l. (see ‘First Report on Railways,' 1839, Appendix); and the sums authorised by Parliament to be raised for various public purposes-for roads, bridges, docks, canals, navigations, markets, lighting and improving towns, afford evidence of the abundance of capital which was constantly seeking investment, in addition to its customary employment in commerce and manufac

tures.

The returns of the assessment of property for the income tax will not present any comparison of the wealth of the country in 1831 and in 1841; but very important results may be deduced from them, which must not be overlooked. The annual value of real property, as assessed to the property tax in 1815, was returned at 51,898,4234.; in 1842 it was returned at 82,233,844l.; and the tithes at 1,668,113. In Scotland the real property was assessed in 1811 at 5,972,5231.;

The amount of capital upon which legacyduty had been paid in Great Britain, from 1797 to 1831 inclusive, was 741,648,1977.; in 1841 it amounted to 1,163,284,2071. Thus, in this period of ten years, legacyduty had been paid upon a capital of 422,636,009l. 19s. 5d., or considerably more than one-half of the aggregate amount upon which the duty had been paid in the thirty-four preceding years. In 1831 the produce of the stamp-duties upon probates of wills and letters of administration in the United Kingdom amounted to 918,6671.; in 1841 1,012,4817., showing an increase of 10.2 per cent.

to

These various statements all confirm, more or less distinctly, the conclusion which had been suggested by less direct, but not less conclusive evidence, viz., that the capital of the country appears to have increased in the period of ten years from 1831 to 1841, in a greater ratio than the population; and, consequently, that the funds necessary for the employment of labour and for maintaining the growing population in increased comfort, had multiplied more rapidly than the people for whose use they were available.

Having now compared the increase of national wealth with the increase of population, so far as the statistics of consumption, production, and accumulation afford such comparison; a confirmation of the results presented by our analysis is

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