TILL now for very want men of letters have been driven to the humblest pursuits (1-7); which yet, all unworthy as they are, must be chosen rather than the baser arts by which slaves rise to wealth (8-16). Henceforth however the poet has a friend in Caesar: other patrons applaud his genius, but leave him to starve: so that, if he have no better hope, he would do well to burn his poems and renounce the muse (17-35). The rich man, to avoid giving poets their due, will be a brother poet, and free of the guild; at most he will (which he can do without expense) lend a dusty room for recitation and freedmen to applaud (36-47). Still the poetic frenzy is not cured by all this neglect (48-52). To be worthy of the name however the poet should be relieved from vulgar fears and vulgar cares (53—73). He should be, but in fact while harlequins, nay even wild beasts are well provided for, the most admired poets must starve or write verses to order for a Paris (73-97). The historian's recompense is even less than the poet's (98-104). Nor let it be said that poets and historians are justly neglected as mere drones, of no service to their kind. For pleaders too, however (to deceive their creditors or allure clients) they may magnify their gains, are thought to be well repaid for their efforts by the present of a ham and a few jars of wine. True, those who make a show of wealth are better paid: but then the expense of this display in Rome is ruinous (105-149). Harder still is the rhetorician's fate. Not only must he hear his class droning forth day after day denunciations of tyrants or advice to Hannibal, but (if he would not lose all reward of his labour) must come out, like an owl into sunshine, from the privacy of his school to the bustle of the courts, in order to claim his scanty dues. Gladly would he lay by his Elements of Rhetoric, to make a fortune like Chrysogonus as a musician (150-177). Men lavish money on their houses and on their cooks, but have nothing to spare for Quintilian. Yet he is no fair sample of his class: he lives in affluence, but that is owing

to his luck. Luck can make of a slave a king, of a rhetorician a consul. Thrasymachus and Rufus more truly represent the ordinary fate of rhetoricians in these our days (178-214). Most of all is the grammarian to be pitied. Ill-paid or not paid at all, plundered by stewards and pedagogues, he is yet required not only himself to possess universal knowledge and a spotless character, but also to exercise a vigilant superintendence over every act and every look of each of his pupils (215-243).

Friedländer III1 411-3 points out the want of connexion between the introduction of the satire and the body of it: in 1-3. 17-21 poetry is reviving under Caesar's smile; in 22-97 the old beneficence of Maecenas, Fabius, Cotta, is lamented as lost for ever. Again the satire speaks of poets, historians, advocates, teachers of rhetoric and grammar, the introduction of poets only (for studiorum 1, studiis 17 refer to poetic studies; the word nowhere else occurs in Iuv.). Hence he infers that the introduction was added under Hadrian, who was known as a poet and patron of poets (Friedlander ib. 312. Teuffel Gesch. d. röm. Lit.1 § 323 3. AV. Caes. 14. Spartian. 14 § 8 fuit enim poematum et litterarum nimium studiosissimus. 16 § 8 quamvis esset in reprehendendis musicis tragicis grammaticis rhetoribus facilis, tamen omnes professores et honoravit et divites fecit), whereas the satire itself was written under Trajan, who did indeed encourage philosophy and oratory (Plin. pan. 47 § 1 quid? vitam, quid? mores iuventutis quam principaliter formas! quem honorem dicendi magistris, quam dignationem sapientiae doctoribus habes! ut sub te spiritum et sanguinem et patriam receperunt studia! quae priorum temporum immanitas exiliis puniebat, cum sibi vitiorum omnium conscius princeps inimicas vitiis artes non odio magis quam reverentia relegaret. at tu easdem artes in complexu oculis auribus habes. id. ep. 11 18 § 5 mihi hunc honorem habitum putem, an studiis? studiis malo, quae prope extincta refoventur. ib. vIII 14 §§ 2. 3. Teuffel § 312) and history, but not specially poetry, which indeed suffered less than other studies under Domitian,

Nerva (A.D. 96-98) is addressed in words very similar to those of Iuv. by Mart. xII 6 1-2 contigit Ausoniae procerum mitissimus aulae | Nerva, licet toto nunc Helicone frui.

Cf. Theokr. id. XVI 5 seq. Pallad. Alex. epigr. 9. 14. 41-46 in Brunck anal. II p. 408. 409. 415 seq. Tac. dial. 9. 10. Mart. 1 76. III 4. 38 cited 91 n. 1v 46 cited 119 n. v 56. VI 8. VII 64 7-8. VIII 56 cited 69 n. 1x 74 cited 27 n. x 76. x1 3. XII 6. Auson, epigr. 136.

Petron. 83 seq.

Marquardt v 1 111-122. Friedländer 1 271-420 die schöne Litteratur. Poesie und Kunst der Prosa.' Schmidt Gesch. der Denk- d. Glaubensfreiheit 449.

1 RATIO motive.

CAESARE Hadrian.

2 TRISTES Domitian, though at one time he feigned a love of letters, afterwards neglected them. Suet. 2 in primisque poeticae studium [simu. lavit] tam insuetum antea sibi, quam postea spretum et abiectum : recitavitque etiam publice. Quintil. x 1 § 91 n.

3 RESPEXIT St Luke 1 68 éπeσKéparо. Sen. tranq. an. 8 § 2 laetiores videbis, quos numquam fortuna respexit, quam quos deseruit. Aug. de cons. ev. III § 26 quotidie dicimus Domine, respice me;' et, 'respexit eum Dominus,' qui de aliquo periculo vel labore divina misericordia liberatus est. 4 BALNEOLUM 233. Poets are forced

to become balneatores in order to gain a livelihood. Beside the public baths (Plin. ep. 1 14 § 6 in publico lavari) and those in private houses, there were also balnea meritoria, to which any one was admitted on payment of a small sum Iuv. vi 447 quadrante lavari. cf. 11 152. Hor. s. I 3 137. Sen. ep. 85 § 8. Mart. 11 30 4. vIII 42 34. Becker Gallus III 84. The calling of balneator appears to have been in bad repute dig. 1 2 4 § 2. Marquardt v 1 279-281.

GABIIS X 100 n. in so small a place but little custom could be expected. FURNOS bakehouses such as are still to be seen at Pompeii in the house of Actaeon with three mills and an oven. Suet. Vit. 2 muliere vulgari, Antiochi cuiusdam furnariam exercentis filia. id. Aug. 4. Marquardt v 2 25.

6 PRAECONES how much the praecones were despised, appears from 111 33 n. 157. Gallonius in particular obtained great notoriety from the verses of Lucilius ap. Cic. fin. 1 § 24 o Publi, o gurges, Galloni, es homo miser,.. | cenasti in vita numquam bene, cum omnia in ista | consumis squilla atque acipensere cum decumano. cf. ib. §§ 25. 90. Mart. 1 85. Quintil. cited on x1 3. Cic. p. Quinct. § 94 ut in capite fortunisque hominum honestissimorum dominentur ii, qui relicta bonorum virorum disciplina et quaestum et sumptum Gallonii sequi maluerunt. cf. ib. § 11 seq. Hor. s. 11 2 47 Galloni praeconis erat acipensere mensa | infamis. Mart. Iv 5 4. v 56 cui tradas, Lupe, filium magistro, | quaeris sollicitus diu rogasque. | omnes grammaticosque rhetorasque devites, moneo; nihil sit illi cum libris Ciceronis aut Maronis. | famae Tutilium suae relinquat. | si versus facit, abdices poetam. | artes discere vult pecuniosas? | fac discat citharoedus aut choraules. | si duri puer ingeni videtur, | praeconem facias vel architectum. v1 8. Praecones were not eligible to the rank of decuriones, so long as they followed their calling, tab. Heracl. in Becker röm. Alterth. II 2 383. Cic. ad fam. vi 18 § 1. Jebb's Theophrastus p. 228. Marquardt v 1 357 n. 2272. AGANIPPES Pausan.

Ix 29 § 3 ἐν ̔Ελίκωνι δὲ πρὸς τὸ ἄλσος ἰόντι τῶν Μουσῶν ἐν ἀριστερᾷ μὲν ἡ Αγανίππη πηγή· θυγατέρα δὲ εἶναι τὴν ̓Αγανίππην τοῦ Περμησσοῦ λέγουσι· ῥεῖ δὲ καὶ οὗτος ὁ Περμησσὸς περὶ τὸν ̔Ελίκωνα.

7 hungry Clio leaves the springs of Helicon for the auction-rooms Orelli inscr. 3439 atrium auctionarium. Cic. leg. agr. 1 § 7 at hoc etiam nequissimi homines consumptis patrimoniis faciunt, ut in atriis auctionariis potius quam in triviis aut in compitis auctionentur. id. p. Quinct. § 12 ab atriis Liciniis atque a praeconum consessu

cf. ib. § 25.

8 58-9. if amid the groves

of the Muses (Mart. Ix 85 3 hacc ego Pieria ludebam tutus in umbra) you cannot find a livelihood, rather choose the meanest trade than enrich yourself by perjury. QUADRANS TIBI NULLUS

I 121 n. Mart. 11 44 9 et quadrans mihi nullus est in arca.

9 MACHAERA a praeco of the day (Weber,

from the name μáxaipa, supposes him to have been a cook). 10 COMMISSA AUCTIO Grang. ubi licitantes utrinque pretio pugnant; translate a gladiatoribus.' 1 162 n. cf. committere proelium, ludos, spectaculum Ruhnken on Suet. Aug. 43. 11 OENOPHORUM VI

426. Marquardt v 2 425 who shews that it was not a basket, or portable cellar, but a vessel with handles. ARMARIA Cupboards or cabinets Fr. armoires. Marquardt v 2-318. Rich companion. Pauly 12 1733. Often bookcases Sidon. ep. 11 9 with Savaro's n. p. 142. 12 PACCI FAUSTI tragic

CISTAS III 206 n.

poets of the day, who must part with their all, even their poems. ALCITHOEN Alkithoe, daughter of Minyas, for her refusal to share in the worship of Bacchus was changed into a bat Ov. m. iv 1 seq. Heins. 388 seq. THEBAS the scene of the tragedies of Oedipus rex, the seven against Thebes and the epigoni Welcker griech. Trag. 1 1490. Hor. ep. 11 1 213. Mart. XIV 1 cited on 97. TEREA 92. VI 644. How Tereus violated his sister-in-law Philomela, how his wife Prokne served up to him his son Itys and how the three were transformed into birds, is told by Ov. m. vi 424 seq. cf. Thuk. 11 29. Tereus was the subject of tragedies by Sophokles, Philokles, Karkinus the younger and Attius Welcker 1. 1. p. 1495. 13 SATIUS VIII 196. Sen.

47

Plin. h. n.

de ir. 1 14 § 6 quem satius erat vinum quam sanguinem bibere. Flor. I 12 § 6 Forc. has exx. from Plaut. Ter. Cic. Verg. Frequent in With hoc satius quam cf. Quintil. x 7 § 23 id potius quam. SUB X 69 n. xv 26. Hor. a. p. 78. paneg. in Pison. 29. 65. Pers. v 80. Ov. m. xi 157. M. Sen. contr. 13 § 5 tortor vocatur, sub quo mariti uxorem prodiderant. Stat. Ach. 11 438 sub teste. VIDI XVI 30 n. (audeat ille) pugnos qui vidit dicere 'vidi.' 14-16 Luc. VII 541-4 vivant Galataeque Syrique, | Cappadoces Gallique extremique orbis Hiberi, | Armenii, Cilices; nam post civilia bella | hic populus Romanus erit.

14 Cic. p. Flacc. § 60 quantam Asiaticis testibus fidem habere vos conveniret. ib. c. 25-27. Since the Cappadocians and Bithynians may be included in the Asiani, and the Bithynians are not Galatians ver. 16, while the first syllable of Bithyni is elsewhere (Iuv. x 162. xv 1) long, ver. 15 appears to be spurious. So Friedländer 13 192. ['faciant eq. Asiani seems to me very abrupt and disjointed, if 15 is not genuine: you say the Cappadocians and Bithynians are included in the Asiani: perhaps they might be; but also Asiani may well be limited to the province Asia: thus Catullus, writing in Bithynia, says ad claras Asiae volemus urbes. Iuv. may have written, fac. eq. Asiani | quamquam et Cappadoces; faciant equites Bithyni, | altera quos. Bithynia and Galatia had got very much mixed up together.' H. A. J. M.]

FACIANT Munro on Lucr. Iv 1112.

EQUITES Henzen

in ann. d. Inst. 1865 p. 6 an epitaph on a freedman of Cotta Messalinus a friend of Tiberius: his patron, who erected the monument, several times gave him sums to the amount of the equestrian census (400,000 sesterces), undertook the education of his children, portioned his daughters, and advanced his son Cottanus to a military tribunate.

15 ET... QUE Hor. c. 1 9 21-3 et... risus... pignusque. Sen. Med. 732. VFl. III 78-9 et... insonuit monuitque. CAPPADOCES I 104 n. III 58 seq. 62 n. Petron. 69. swarms of Pontic slaves Philostr. Apoll. viii 7 § 42. Polyb. Iv 38 § 4 who says the best slaves were from thence. Hor. ep. 1 6 39 Schmid. schol. Pers. vi 77 qui Cappadoces dicerentur habere studium naturale ad falsa testimonia proferenda, qui nutriti a pueritia in tormentis equuleum sibi facere dicuntur, ut in eo se invicem torquerent, et cum in poena perdurarent, ad falsa testimonia se bene venumdarent. Suid. s. v. Káπта dɩπλoûν. трíа_кάπτа κάκιστα Καππαδοκία, Κρήτη καὶ Κιλικία. Demodok. epigr. 3 in Brunck anal. II 56 Καππαδόκαι φαῦλοι μὲν ἀεί· ζώνης δὲ τυχόντες | φαυλότεροι Képdous d'eïveka pauλóTaтol. Mart. x 76 2 seq. civis non Syriaeve Parthiaeve nec de Cappadocis eques catastis, sed de plebe Remi Numaeque verna, | iucundus probus innocens amicus, | lingua doctus utraque, cuius unum est, sed magnum vitium quod est poeta, | pullo Maevius alget in cucullo. Cic. p. red. in sen. § 14 Cappadocem modo abreptum de grege venalium diceres. cf. in Pis. § 1 nemo queritur Syrum nescio quem de grege noviciorum factum esse consulem. Pers. vi 77 Jahn. Seiler on Alkiphr. 11 2 § 5. Plut. Sull, 22 § 6. BITHYNI Vedius Pollio, a Roman knight and friend of Augustus, was a freedman, or freedman's son, of Caesarea in Bithynia Nipperdey on Tac. an. 1 10. Haakh in Pauly v1 2419. Lucian de merc. cond. 23 εἰ μὴ ἀποχρῆν σοι πρὸς ἐλευθερίαν νομίζεις τὸ μὴ Πυρρίου μηδὲ Ζωπυρίωνος υἱὸν εἶναι, μηδὲ ὥσπερ τις Βιθυνὸς ὑπὸ μεγαλοφώνῳ τῷ κήρυκι ἀπημπολῆσθαι.

T

16 ALTERA GALLIA New Gaul i.e. Galatia or Gallograecia, so named from the Gallic tribes Trocmi Tolistobogii and Tectosages, who, separating from the main body of Gauls under Brennus, were invited into Asia B.C. 278 by Nikomedes of Bithynia, and were confined to the district which bore their name by Attalus I. cir. B.C. 230 Liv. XXXVIII 16 seq. Strab. XII p. 566. Memn. ap. Phot. cod. 224 p. 227 seq. Lightfoot on ep. Gal. 1-16. The Galatians are called Galli by Hor. epod. 9 18. On the Galatian slaves cf. Claud. in Eutr. 1 59 hinc fora venalis Galata ductore frequentat. NUDO TALO I 111 n. On the great wealth often acquired by freedmen, cf. Sen. ep. 27 § 4 Calvisius Sabinus memoria nostra fuit dives: et patrimonium habebat libertini et ingenium. ib. 86 § 6 (infr. 178 n.). id. n. q. Iv pr. § 7 Demetrium egregium virum memini dicere cuidam libertino potenti: facilem sibi viam ad divitias esse, quo die bonae mentis paenituisset, 'nec in videbo' inquit 'vobis hac arte,' namely the art of shameless flattery. Mart. v 13 6 I am poor, but all the world reads me: your roof rests on a hundred pillars et libertinas arca flagellat opes. Hence they become equites, as having the census equestris, Iuv. 1 102 seq. n. Iv 32. v 3 schol. Plin. XXXIII § 32 seq. postea gregatim insigne id [the golden ring] appeti coeptum. propter haec discrimina Gaius princeps decuriam quintam adiecit, tantumque enatum est fastus, ut quae sub divo Augusto impleri non potuerant decuriae, non capiant eum ordinem passim que ad ornamenta ea etiam servitute liberati transiliant, quod antea nunquam erat factum, quoniam in ferreo anulo et equites iudicesque intellegebantur; adeoque promiscuum id esse coepit, ut apud Claudium Caesarem in censura eius unus ex equitibus Flavius Proculus quadringentos ex ea causa reos postularet; ita dum separatur ordo ab ingenuis, communicatus est cum servitiis. Tac. h. 1 13. 11 57. an. XIII 26 a debate in the senate about controlling the licence of freedmen. 27 on their behalf it was urged late fusum id