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sacrifice of their just convictions, and yet they did not disturb the harmony of society, or interrupt the progress of civil government by rebellion. This Penn explained to the committee, and the explanation evidently gave them great satisfaction. We may here observe, that the knowledge of this fact, that it was the custom of the Quakers never to submit to the national authority in matters of conscience, and yet never to resist this authority by force, ultimately led the Government to grant to them the many privileges which they at present enjoy. They are allowed to solemnize their own marriages, in their own way. Their affirmation is received as their oath. Exceptions are always made in their favour in all Acts of Parliament which relate to military service. And if this principle could be followed up generally, if the great bulk of mankind were so enlightened and firm, as to adhere to this principle, war, slavery, and wrong of all kinds might be entirely done away.

But to return. The two speeches of William Penn, made such a favourable impression on the committee, that they agreed to insert a clause in the Bill then in agitation for the relief desired. This clause they reported to the Commons, and the Commons actually passed it. It was afterwards carried to the Lords; but a sudden prorogation of Parliament taking place before the bill could be read a third time, the clause was rendered useless.

Two small works were published by William Penn in this year. An anonymous person had written "The Quakers' Opinions." William Penn wrote in reply "A brief answer to a false and foolish libel." His other publication was "An Epistle to the children of light in this Generation." People's minds continued still in a state of alarm on account of the rumoured Popish plot, and there was a belief that some dreadful storm was about to burst upon the nation. William Penn therefore, anticipating that the members of his own society might partake of the popular uneasiness, and that, by thus admitting earthly cares and fears, they might lose that heavenly

spirit which would best fit them to meet the distress which was coming on, wrote them this letter. He exhorted them as the children of light, to show an example worthy of their high calling, to throw away the fears, anxiety, and uneasiness of the world, and so to live in righteousness, as to be enabled to stand in the gap between the wickedness of the nation and the vengeance of God, confiding in him alone as their only solid support in time of trouble.

CHAPTER XIV.

A. 1679.

IN 1679, almost every thing necessary for the peopling of West New Jersey having been agreed upon and executed by him and his colleagues, the lands having been mostly laid out and disposed of, and the political constitution of the colony fixed, Penn had little more to do than simply to extend to it his protecting vigilance.

With respect to affairs at home, the nation was still restless and uneasy on account of the fear it entertained of designs for subverting the Protestant religion and restoring Popery. In the preceding year William Penn, observing this its agitated state, had, as I have just stated, written an epistle to those of his own religious Society to prepare them against the calamities which were supposed to be then approaching. In the present he appealed to those of other religious denominations on the same subject. His appeal was entitled "An Address to Protestants of all persuasions upon the present conjuncture, more especially to the Magistracy and Clergy, for the promotion of virtue and charity." The contents of this book were peculiarly important, and they were treated in a noble and a powerful manner. As a specimen of his style and sentiments, we give the following extract.

"No Government," says he, "without the preservation of virtue, can maintain its constitution, though it be the very best

that can be made. And however some particular men may prosper, who are wicked, and some private good men may miscarry in the things of this world, in which sense things may be said to happen alike to all, to the righteous as to the wicked, yet I dare boldly affirm and challenge any man to the truth thereof, that in the many volumes of the history of all the ages and kingdoms of the world, there is not one instance to be found, where the hand of God was against a righteous nation, or where it was not against an unrighteous nation first or last; nor where a just government perished, or an unjust government long prospered. Kingdoms are rarely as short-lived as men, yet they also have a time to die; but as temperance giveth health to men, so virtue gives time to kingdoms; and as vice brings men betimes to the grave, so nations to their ruin.”

Having made this assertion, he supported it by a vast chain of historical evidence, drawn from the first kingdom of antiquity under Nimrod, down to his own times.

Having finished his address, as it related to the great and prominent immoralities of the day, he proceeded to its great and prominent errors. The first great and prominent error was that of making opinions articles of faith, and of making them at the same time the bond of Christian communion.

The second was mistaking the nature of true faith, or of taking that for faith, which was not gospel faith.

The third was that of debasing the true value of morality, under the pretence of higher things.

The fourth was preferring human authority above reason and truth.

And thus the work proceeded. But nothing but a perusal of the work itself can give a just idea of its excellence. It is a noble production.

After this, he composed a preface to the works of Samuel Fisher. Samuel Fisher had been originally a clergy. man of the Church of England, and afterwards became a Baptist preacher. Joining at length the Quakers, he was apprehended with others of the same profession o the score of religion, and died a prisoner on that accou in 1665. Penn's object in this preface was to bear is testimony concerning the author, who had thus sufferit martyrdom in behalf of what he believed to be the truly

At this time the ferment in the nation relative to the Popish plot continued as violent as ever. Men's minds, whether Catholics or Protestants, were still unduly heated. In this situation of things, it happened that writs were issued for summoning a new Parliament. This circumstance, which afforded an opportunity to parties to try their strength, involved the nation in new anxiety, and added to the heat already described. Penn therefore wrote a pamphlet called "England's great interest in the choice of a New Parliament, dedicated to all her Freeholders and Electors."

Soon after the publication of this work the elections began and here it may be proper to observe, that the Quakers, from certain scruples, do not interfere in matters of this sort either as eagerly or as frequently as other people. Some of them indeed do not use their elective franchise at all. William Penn partook in some degree of the same scruples, and perhaps would have been satisfied with writing the pamphlet just mentioned, had there not been one man in the kingdom about whom he could not be indifferent at this crisis. This was the great Algernon Sidney. He had been acquainted with this distinguished person for some time; and had loved his character; and now that the elections were begun, he could not control the wish he had to assist in placing him in a sphere in which he believed his free spirit and noble talents would be attended with good to his country. Accordingly he went to Guildford, where colonel Sidney was then a candidate against Dalmahoy, one of the court party, and procured him there several votes among those of his own religious profession. He accompanied him also to the hustings, where he interested himself with others. While in the act of encouraging these, he was stopped by the Recorder, who, in order to make him odious, branded him publicly with the name of Jesuit. The Reeorder, finding this attempt ineffectual, would have tendered him oaths, but that it was shown that it was then illegal to do so. Disappointed therefore in all his expec

tations, the Recorder had no resource left but that of force, and using this, he actually turned him out of court.

Though colonel Sidney had a majority of votes, Dalmahoy was returned; the plea being, that the colonel was not a freeman of Guildford.

The parliament had not been seated long after the election, before it was again dissolved. This, as it gave another opportunity to Algernon Sidney, so it brought fresh anxiety to William Penn on his account. He was

grieved to think that such a man in such times should be excluded from the councils of his country. He therefore proposed to him to try Bramber, which was in his own county, and interested himself in paving the way for him to that borough. Still, Algernon was not chosen at this time.

The parliament having been returned, Penn published a book, which he addressed to it, under the title of,, One Project for the Good of England; that is, our Civil Union is our Civil Safety." The great object of this work was to induce the government to abandon persecution, and to secure to peaceable Dissenters the common rights of Englishmen.

CHAPTER XV.

A. 1680.

WILLIAM PENN was called upon in the present year to make considerable exertions in favour of Billynge, with regard to West New Jersey. A duty of ten per cent had been laid by the government of New York, and renewed in the year 1669, on all imports and exports at Hoarkill, now Lewis Town, at the mouth of the Delaware Bay. This duty had been exacted of all persons who had arrived and taken up their lands in West New Jersey, to

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