CHAP. I. verity, which even his own opinion, when not 1779. under the immediate influence of chagrin, would

not entirely justify. This letter contained reflections upon the integrity and patriotism of members, without particularizing the individuals he designed to censure; and was by no means calculated to soften the asperities already existing in congress.

These altercations always give a momentary appearance of magnitude to objects merely personal, and too often diminish and remove to a distance those of real importance, and of the most permanent interest.

Instead of feeling that security which had insinuated itself into the public mind, general Washington viewed the existing state of things with serious alarm, and his endeavours were unremitting to impress the same opinion on those who might be supposed capable of removing this delusion. In his confidential letters to the most influential characters in the several states, he represented in strong terms the real dangers which yet threatened the ultimate success of the revolution, and earnestly exhorted them to a continuance of those sacrifices and exertions which he still deemed essential to the happy termination of the war. dissensions in congress; the removal of individuals of the highest influence and character from the councils of the union to offices in the respective state governments; the depreciation

The

1779.

of the paper currency; the destructive spirit CHAP. I. of speculation which the imaginary gain produced by this depreciation had diffused throughout the union; a general laxity of principle; and an indisposition to encounter personal inconvenience for the attainment of the great object in pursuit of which so much blood and treasure had already been expended; were the rocks on which he was apprehensive the state vessel might yet split, and to which he incessantly endeavoured to point the attention of those whose weight of political character enabled them to guide the helm.

general

on the state

affairs.

"I am particularly desirous of a free com- Letters from munication of sentiments with you at this Washington time," says the general in a letter written to of public a very respectable friend, and a gentleman of splendid political talents, "because I view things very differently, I fear, from what people in general do, who seem to think the contest at an end, and that to make money, and get places are the only things now remaining to be done. I have seen without despondency, even for a moment, the hours which America has styled her gloomy ones; but I have beheld no day since the commencement of hostilities, when I have thought her liberties in such imminent danger as at present. Friends and foes seem now to combine to pull down the goodly fabric we have hitherto been raising, at the expense of so much time, blood, and treasure;

CHAP. I. and unless the bodies politic will exert them1779. selves to bring things back to first principles, correct abuses, and punish our internal foes, inevitable ruin must follow. Indeed, we seem to be verging so fast to destruction, that I am filled with sensations to which I have been a stranger until within these three months. Our enemy behold with exultation and joy how effectually we labour for their benefit; and from being in a state of absolute despair, and on the point of evacuating America, are now on tiptoe. Nothing therefore, in my judgment, can save us but a total reformation in our own conduct, or some decisive turn of affairs in Europe. The former alas! to our shame be it spoken, is less likely to happen than the latter, as it is now consistent with the views of the speculators, various tribes of money makers, and stock jobbers of all denominations, to continue the war for their own private emolument, without considering that this avarice and thirst for gain must plunge every thing, including themselves, in one common ruin.

"Were I to indulge my present feelings, and give a loose to that freedom of expression which my unreserved friendship for you would prompt to, I should say a great deal on this subject. But letters are liable to so many accidents, and the sentiments of men in office are sought after by the enemy with so much avidity, and, besides conveying useful know

CHAP. I.

ledge (if they get into their hands) for the superstructure of their plans, are so often per- 1779. verted to the worst of purposes, that I shall be somewhat reserved, notwithstanding this letter goes by a private hand to Mount Vernon. I cannot refrain lamenting, however, in the most poignant terms, the fatal policy too prevalent in most of the states, of employing their ablest men at home in posts of honour or profit, before the great national interest is fixed upon a solid basis.

"To me it appears no unjust similé, to compare the affairs of this great continent to the mechanism of a clock, each state representing some one or other of the smaller parts of it, which they are endeavouring to put in fine order, without considering how useless and unavailing their labour is, unless the great wheel, or spring, which is to set the whole in motion, is also well attended to and kept in good order. I allude to no particular state, nor do I mean to cast reflections upon any one of them, nor ought I, it may be said, to do so upon their representatives; but as it is a fact too notorious to be concealed, that congress is rent by party; that much business of a trifling nature and personal concernment, withdraws their attention from matters of great national moment at this critical period; when it is also known that idleness and dissipation take place of close attention and application; no man who

CHAP. I. wishes well to the liberties of this country, and 1779. desires to see its rights established, can avoid

crying out;....where are our men of abilities? Why do they not come forth to save their country? Let this voice my dear sir, call upon you, Jefferson, and others. Do not from a mistaken opinion, that we are to sit down under our vine, and our own fig tree, let our hitherto noble struggle end in ignominy. Believe me when I tell you there is danger of it. I have pretty good reasons for thinking, that administration, a little while ago, had resolved to give the matter up and negotiate a peace with us upon almost any terms; but I shall be much mistaken if they do not now, from the present state of our currency, dissensions, and other circumstances, push matters to the utmost extremity. Nothing I am sure will prevent it but the interruption of Spain, and their disappointed hope from Russia."

Those circumstances in the situation and temper of America which made so deep an impression on the commander in chief, unquestionably operated on the British commissioners, so as to induce them to think that by continuing the war, terms short of the absolute independence of America, might be obtained. They seem to have taken up the opinion, that the great body of the people, fatigued and worn out by the complicated calamities experienced during the revolutionary struggle, sincerely