own history; or comparing their reflections on the books which had become their resource and solace. It is to be lamented if now and then an unlucky spark from the passions of the world fell upon their retreat, and, enkindling an unhallowed flame in their own breasts, discovered that philosophy had not entirely removed from them all the old materials of combustion. Their strongest and latest feelings, however, were in favor of the liberty of men and of nations. It is a most interesting fact, which we repeat, that the last words of Mr Adams were those of patriotic ejaculation, responsive to the bell which then rung in celebration of the anniversary of our independence, and the last letter of Mr Jefferson was an expression of a hopeless wish to participate with his friends in the rejoicings on that day.' The same day, which had marked the most honorable epoch of their lives, was that in which Providence gave them the privilege to die.

The style and character of Mr Jefferson's writings resemble, in some respects, those of his friend Dr Franklin. They possess the charm of saying, without reserve or the appearance of studied ornament, the honest thoughts of the writer. They have a tone of good temper that wins the reader's partiality, and an earnestness that fixes his attention. They are like those well drawn portraits, which regard and follow us with their eyes in whatever direction we move. We do not suspect that the writer keeps anything back, but deals frankly and as a man of honor. In looking through this long series of letters, we find no change whatever in his principles. They continued in the same direction, extent, and impetus, through his life. If they overflowed the channels, in which prudence or reason would have confined them, he allowed them to pursue their natural course, and bear along or submerge whatever stood in their way. Another remark is, that whether he writes directly to an individual, or about him to a third person, the same sentiments are candidly expressed; and his opinions of public measures are conveyed in the same unequivocal language, whether addressed to their supporters or opponents.

He frequently indulged in the use of new words; and after his residence in France, his style was thought to partake of French idioms. There is, however, a great resemblance between his style in the page written in 1776, and that fifty years afterwards. The latter indeed flowed still more smoothly and with more facility. Perhaps, as was thought of Mr Hume,

the habits of expression acquired in the French language communicated to his sentences something of ease at the expense of energy.

Mr Jefferson also resembled Dr Franklin in the character of his mind and in his fortunes. Neither of them had a predilection for political concerns. The studies most congenial to their minds were the speculations of philosophy, the discoveries of science, and the pursuits of natural history. They each had a fondness for the mechanic arts. Engaged in similar objects, they enjoyed abroad the same scientific correspondence, and arrived at the same classical honors; and the traveller sees with pride their names associated and inscribed on the contributions, which America has made to the learned cabinets of Europe.

Dr Franklin also is more known as a writer than an orator. Some of his speeches are reported. Though they are distinguished by the peculiar and extraordinary features of his mind, and were always delivered with effect, yet it is remarked, that he never spoke longer than ten minutes. Mr Jefferson too, as has been remarked, wanting strength of voice, relied altogether upon his power of writing; and as nature is observed to compensate the loss of one sense by giving more force to another, so Mr Jefferson's disuse of public speaking seems to have thrown additional energies into his written composition.

ART. X.-CRITICAL NOTICES.

1.-The History of Louisiana, particularly of the Cession of that Colony to the United States of America; with an Introductory Essay on the Constitution and Government of the United States. By BARBE-MARBOIS. Translated from the French, by AN AMERICAN CITIZEN. Philadelphia. Carey & Lea. 1830. 8vo. pp. 456.

ON a former occasion, when this work first appeared in France, we presented our readers with a brief analysis of its contents, and freely gave our opinion of its character and merits. We recur

*See the North American Review for April, 1829, No. LXIII. p. 389.

to it, therefore, only to express the great pleasure we feel at seeing published in the United States a translation of a work, which we then described, and which we still consider, as the best that has ever been written by a foreigner on this country. The tone of it throughout is temperate, fair, and candid, and the author discovers a knowledge of the principles and forms of our government, and of its practical operations, altogether unexampled in any other European writer. For this attention to our history, and deep study into the nature and effects of our political and social institutions, he claims the gratitude of every American, and above all for the pains he has taken in this work to diffuse in Europe accurate information concerning subjects, which few on the other side of the water ever pretend to examine, and which none understands. For more than fifty years M. de Marbois has watched our national progress with an eye evidently partial to our interests and gratified at our success. His writings bear ample testimony to this declaration. As a sound and judicious exposition of the nature of our government the present work is valuable, but its peculiar interest consists in the history of the Louisiana Treaty, in which M. de Marbois held a conspicuous part. In whatever light it is considered, we cannot point to a single historical work more worthy of a place in every American library.

The translator merits high praise, not more for his patriotism in making this work accessible to American readers, than for the ability with which he has executed his task. Whether we regard the accuracy of the translation, or the finish of the style and his happy talent at clothing the sense of the original in the English idiom, we must concede to him the triumph of entire success. His pursuits and studies had eminently qualified him for the undertaking, and he had the further advantage of the society and conversation of the author during its progress. The following extract from the Translator's Notice' was written in Paris.

'Most foreign books, which have treated of the institutions of the United States, have been compiled with such illiberal feelings, and are at the same time so very inaccurate, that when, a short time after my arrival in Paris last autumn, the following book was placed in my hands, I conceived that I could not employ a few weeks' leisure more usefully, nor in a manner more congenial with my former pursuits, than by making it generally accessible to my fellow citizens. I was in hopes that, while the circulation of the original in Europe dispelled many unfavorable prejudices respecting my native country, my humble labors might not be without some effect in attaching the people of America still more firmly to those institutions, on which an enlightened and distinguished foreigner had pronounced a high encomium.

The friendly spirit alluded to is not confined to the Introductory Essay, which particularly treats of the government, but will be found to pervade the whole of the subsequent History. Even while the political parties, into which the people of the United States were lately divided, were doing everything in their power to induce the world to believe, that on the election of a president were to depend the future destinies of that great and prosperous nation; the author, estimating more favorably the nature of the American institutions, confidently stated, that, "whatever might be the result of this domestic contest, the wisdom of the constitution was a guarantee as well for the moderation of the general as for the firmness of the magistrate."

'But the History of Louisiana and of its cession possesses claims to attention, though of a different character. It makes the citizen of the United States acquainted with the origin of his country's title to a territory, the importance of which, before the lapse of many ages, will be scarcely inferior to that of all the states of the original confederacy combined; and it unfolds to the statesman a diplomatic transaction, little noticed at the time, which must hereafter exercise the greatest influence on the general balance of power among the nations of Christendom.

In most of the important events to which he alludes, the Marquis de Marbois had a direct participation, and as few foreigners can be named, whose official relations have been more beneficial to the United States than those of this respected individual, a cursory notice of his life may not be unacceptable to readers on the other side of the Atlantic. In French History he has long held an important place.

Barbé-Marbois was born at Metz in 1745. He early entered the diplomatic service, and was appointed in 1769 secretary of the French legation to the diet of the empire, which held its sittings at Ratisbon. From this post he was, two years afterwards, transferred in the same character to Dresden, where, as well as in Bavaria, he for some time officiated as chargé d'affaires. On quitting the latter court he seems to have had the intention of entering on another career, and he was accordingly received as a counsellor of the parliament of Metz. But from his new pursuits he was soon withdrawn by the offer of employment in America, whose revolution then attracted universal attention.

The government of France, having determined openly to espouse the cause of the English colonies, concluded with them in 1778 treaties of amity and alliance, and of commerce. As efficient aid in men and money was promised by its ally to the new republic, the functions of the French legation to the Congress were at that time far more important than in the ordinary cases of diplomatic representation. M. Gerard, the negotiator of the trea

ties, who was sent to the United States in 1778 as minister plenipotentiary, having returned home the following year, was succeeded by the Chevalier de la Luzerne. M. de Marbois with great readiness accepted the appointment of secretary of legation, with which place that of consul general was united, and it is well known that he was the principal agent in the important operations of the embassy. In April, 1784, M. de la Luzerne took leave of Congress, and M. de Marbois was recognised as chargé d'affaires, in which situation he remained till his appointment in 1785 as intendant of St Domingo, an office for which he possessed, in an eminent degree, the appropriate talents. While in the United States, he married a lady of Philadelphia, by whom he had a daughter, now the wife of the Duke of Plaisance, the son of Le Brun, one of Bonaparte's colleagues in the consulate.

'In 1790 Marbois returned to France, and was named by Louis the Sixteenth his minister to the Diet at Ratisbon, but received instructions to proceed first on a special mission to the Emperor Leopold. At this time, though the king still remained an integral part of the constitution, the revolution had made great progress. The princes of the royal family and a large portion of the nobility had actually exiled themselves, and were preparing to attempt the recovery of their privileges by force of arms. When M. de Marbois came back to Paris from Vienna, he found that everything indicated the near approach of those bloody scenes which disgraced French liberty. He asked permission to resign his place, which was granted; the king and also the queen, at the same time, graciously signifying that he should be preserved for better times.

During the reign of terror which succeeded, M. de Marbois' name having been placed on the list of emigrants, he was imprisoned, and recovered his liberty only with the fall of Robespierre. Under the constitution of the Directory he again engaged in public affairs. How far he was from upholding that old system, the abuses of which time had rendered intolerable to an enlightened nation, is sufficiently manifest from the whole tenor of his writings. In the Council of Ancients, to which he was elected in 1795, he proved, that, however much he might condemn the excesses of the revolution, to which he was a stranger, his sentiments were those of a Frenchman. He paid a just tribute to the merit of the army of Italy, and of its illustrious chief, at the same time that he attacked, without success, the law which excluded from the public service nobles and the families of emigrants.

'In 1797, when the contest took place between a majority of the Directory and the legislature, M. de Marbois was President of the Council of Ancients, and had a great share in the nomination