་

THE

POLITICAL REGISTER,

AND

IMPARTIAL REVIEW

O F

NEW BOOKS.

FOR MDCCLXVIII.

VOLUME THE THIRD.

LONDON:

Printed for H. BEEVOR, in Little-Britain.

1768.

1

THE

POLITICAL REGISTER,

For JULY 1768.

NUMBER XVI.

I

A SPEECH.

F the noble lord, who is fo anxious to have the doors of the house conftantly fhut against ftrangers, had content

ed himself with infifting, that there is a ftanding order

to this effect, and that a ftanding order fhould be ftrictly obferved, I fhould have thought it my duty to fubmit to his lordship's motion, though I confefs with fome reluctance. But when the noble lord, not fatisfied with an authority paramount to all argument, thinks it neceflary to give reafons for his opinion, he feems to admit that the point is at leaft difputable; therefore I hope he will permit me to offer fome reafons to the houfe, why I differ from him entirely.

The only tolerable pretence for refufing admittance to ftrangers of decent appearance and behaviour, is, left there fhould not be room for the members to attend to bufinefs with ease and convenience to themselves. Whenever this happens, and we all know how feldom it does happen, every member has a right (and I dare fay his lordfhip will feldom fail to make use of it) to move that the houfe may be cleared. In every other light, I think that, fo far from being offended at the prefence of ftrangers, we fhould wish to have as many VOL. III. witneffes

B

witneffes as poffible of all our proceedings. What his lordship's motives may be, I cannot pretend to determine; but, for my own part, as I am neither afhamed nor afraid of what I fay in this houfe, I care not how foon, or how univerfally it is reported abroad. We are not a council of flate, nor is it our business to deliberate upon or direct the secret operations of government, though it be our duty sometimes to enquire into them. We are the reprefentatives of the people, and in effect a popular affembly. To aim at fecrecy in our debates, would not only be a vain and ridiculous attempt, but, I apprehend, abfolutely contrary to the principles upon which this houfe is conftituted. It would be turning a democratical affembly into the form of an ariftocracy. The nobility of Venice wifely bar the doors of their fenate-house, because they are not the reprefentatives, but the tyrants of the people. Such a policy may be prudent and neceffary, where the interefts of a few who govern, are different from those of the many, who are governed. But I flatter myself, the noble lord will not infinuate, that the house of and the people of Great Britain have different or feparate interefts from each other, or that we can have any views, which it may import us to conceal from our conftituents. Such a cafe may poffibly happen hereafter, but I am fure it cannot be faid with any appearance of truth of the prefent houfe of. His lordship tells us, that by admitting ftrangers to hear our debates, the fpeeches of the members are foon carried abroad and generally mifreprefented. Perhaps it may be fo; but will barring our doors prevent that inconverience? does he think that in an affembly of above five hundred perfons, the difcourfes held here will not be carried abroad, will not be mifreprefented? the members of this house are neither bound to fecrecy, nor is our memory or judgment infallible. But if his anxiety turns chiefly upon this point, I would wish him to confider that a ftranger, who fits quietly in the gallery, is much more likely to retain, with exactness, what he comes on purpose to hear, than a member who perhaps is interefted in the debate, and who probably hears the arguments on one fide with prejudice, while he liftens with partiality to thofe of the other. Shall we then, fir, without any reasonable motive whatsoever, give this houfe the appearance of a foreign inquifition? fhall it be said that a British houfe of makes laws for the people, as fome flavish courts of judicature abroad try ftate criminals, januis claufis? To the honour of our courts of juftice, they are open to all mankind to make them refpectable in the eyes of the people. We are not indeed a court of judicature, but every

argument

argument for opening the courts in Weftminster-hall operates with equal or greater force upon us. We are a popular affembly.-There is nothing fecret in the nature of our business.-By publishing our votes we admit that the nation has a right to be informed of our proceedings.-But above all, it is of the highest importance to the people to know the fentiments and conduct of each particular member, that they may be able to form a juft judgment of our integrity and ability, and in what manner we fupport the interefts of our conftituents. And fhall motives fuch as thefe have no weight with us? fhall our inhofpitable doors be clofed, because one member is afraid of being misreprefented? I wish the noble lord were as cautious of what he writes in other places, as of what he fays here. But in that refpect he has taken care to be perfectly fafe. The military manifefto, which he has thought proper to give under his hand, is too plain to be mifunderstood, and too bad to be mifreprefented.

For the POLITICAL REGISTER.

SIR,

HE great Mr. Locke, in his treatife on Government, well obferves, that if the executiye power fhall ever presume to interfere in matters of election, and to make use of those very offices, and revenues, with which it was originally vefted for the reward of merit, to operate upon the minds of timid electors of reprefentatives in parliament, then and in that case the executive power muft overwhelm the legiflative, and be foon buried in the ruins of both.

If the name and power of the executive part of government be made use of by a minifter or his agents, in elections, it alters not the cafe, and is a high affront offered to the facred majefty of the conftitution of a free country.

If boroughs will difpofe of their power of electing two reprefentatives to the highest bidders, this only fhews a total diffolution of virtue and morals in fuch boroughs; and they need not wonder at their reprefentatives felling themselves to fucceffive adminiftrations, when they must remember how dear their favours coft them. But if the executive power fhall presume to give a fanction to fuch proceedings, and not demonftrate a worthy refentment, at fuch proftitutions of authority, then indeed that fatal period, foretold by Montefquieu, will arrive, when (writes that great author) the