ty, who not distinguishing between that and licentiousness, take the surest method to discredit what they would seem to propagate; for, in effect, can there be a greater affront offered to that just freedom of thought and action, which is the prerogative of a rational creature, or can any thing recommend it less to honest minds, than under colour thereof to obtrude scurrility and profaneness on the world? But it hath been always observed of weak men, that they know not how to avoid one extreme without running into another.

Too many of this sort pass upon vulgar readers for great authors, and men of profound thought; not on account of any superiority either in sense or style, both which they possess in a very moderate degree, nor of any discoveries they have made in arts or sciences, which they seem to be little acquainted with: but purely because they flatter the passions of corrupt men, who are pleased to have the clamours of conscience silenced, and those great points of the Christian religion made suspected, which withheld them from any vices of pleasure and interest, or made them uneasy in the commission of them.

In order to promote that laudable design of effacing all sense of religion from among us, they form themselves into assemblies, and proceed with united counsels and endeavours; with what success, and with what merit towards the public, the effect too plainly shews; I will not say, those gentlemen have formed a direct design to ruin their country, or that they have the sense to see half the ill consequences, which must necessarily flow from the spreading of their opinions, but the nation feels them, and it is high time the legislature put a stop to them.

I am not for placing an invidious power in the hands of the clergy, or complying with the narrowness of any mistaken zealots, who should incline to persecute dissenters: but whatever conduct common sense as well

as Christian charity obligeth us to use towards those who differ from us in some points of religion, yet the public safety requireth, that the avowed contemners of all religion should be severely chastised, and perhaps it may be no easy matter to assign a good reason why blasphemy against God should not be inquired into, and punished with the same rigour as treason against the king.

For though we may attempt to patch up our affairs, yet it will be to no purpose, the finger of God will unravel all our vain projects, and make them snares to draw us into greater calamities, if we do not reform that scandalous libertinism which (whatever some shallow men may think) is our worst symptom, and the surest prognostic of our ruin.

Industry is the natural sure way to wealth; this is so true, that it is impossible an industrious free people should want the necessaries and comforts of life or an idle enjoy them under any form of government. Money is so far useful to the public as it promoteth industry, and credit having the same effect is of the same value with money; but money or credit circulating through a nation from hand to hand, without producing labour and industry in the inhabitants, is direct gaming.

It is not impossible for cunning men to make such plausible schemes, as may draw those who are less skilful into their own and the public ruin. But surely, there is no man of sense and honesty but must see and own, whether he understands the game or not, that it is an evident folly for any people, instead of prosecuting the old honest methods of industry and frugality, to sit down to a public gaming-table, and play off their money one to another.

The more methods there are in a state for acquiring riches without industry or merit, the less there will be of either in that state: this is as evident as the ruin that attends it. Besides, when money is shifted from

hand to hand in such a blind fortuitous manner, that some men shall from nothing acquire in an instant vast estates, without the least desert; while others are as suddenly stripped of plentiful fortunes, and left on the parish by their own avarice and credulity, what can be hoped for on the one hand, but abandoned luxury and wantonness, or on the other, but extreme madness and despair?

In short, all projects for growing rich by sudden and extraordinary methods, as they operate violently on the passions of men, and encourage them to despise the slow moderate gains that are to be made by an honest industry, must be ruinous to the public, and even the winners themselves will at length be involved in the public ruin.

It is an easy matter to contrive projects for the encouragement of industry; I wish it were as easy to persuade men to put them in practice. There is no country in Europe where there is so much charity collected for the poor, and none where it is so ill managed. If the poor-tax fixed was fixed at a medium in every parish, taken from a calculation of the last ten years, and raised for seven years by act of parliament, that sum (if the common estimate be not very wrong), frugally and prudently laid out in workhouses, would for ever free the nation from the care of providing for the poor, and at the same time considerably improve our manufactures. We might by these means rid our streets of beggars, even the children, the maimed, and the blind, might be put in a way of doing something for their livelihood. As for the small number of those, who by age or infirmities are utterly incapable of all employment, they might be maintained by the labour of others; and the public would receive no small advantage from the industry of those who are now so great a burden and expense to it.

The same tax, continued three years longer, might be very usefully employed in making high roads, and

rendering rivers navigable, two things of so much profit and ornament to a nation, that we seem the only people in Europe who have neglected them.* So that in the space of ten years the public may be for ever freed from a heavy tax, industry encouraged, commerce facilitated, and the whole country improved, and all this only by a frugal honest management, without raising one penny extraordinary.

The number of people is both means and motives to industry; it should therefore be of great use to encourage propagation, by allowing some reward or privilege to those who have a certain number of children; and on the other hand, enacting that the public shall inherit half the unentailed estates of all who die unmarried of either sex.

Besides the immediate end proposed by the foregoing methods, they furnish taxes upon passengers, and dead bachelors, which are in no sort grievous to the subject, and may be applied towards clearing the public debt, which, all mankind agree, highly concerneth the nation in general, both court and country. Cesar indeed mentions it as a piece of policy, that he borrowed money from his officers to bestow it on the soldiers, which fixed both to his interest; and though something like this may pass for skill at certain junctures in civil. government, yet, if carried too far, it will prove a dangerous experiment.

There is still room for invention or improvement in most trades and manufactures, and it is probable, that premiums given on that account to ingenious artists, would soon be repaid a hundred fold to the public. No colour is so much worn in Italy, Spain, and Portugal, as black; but our black cloth is neither so lasting, nor of so good a dye, as the Dutch, which is the reason of their engrossing the profit of that trade: this is so true, that I have known English merchants abroad wear black

*This was published before turnpikes were erected.

cloth of Holland' themselves, and sell and recommend it as better than that of their own country. It is commonly said the water of Leyden hath a peculiar property for colouring black, but it hath been also said and passed current, that good glasses may be made no where but at Venice, and there only in the little island of Murano : which was attributed to some peculiar property in the air; and we may possibly find other opinions of that sort to be as groundless, should the legislature think it worth while to propose premiums in the foregoing, or in the like cases of general benefit to the public; but I remember to have seen, about seven years ago, a man pointed at in a coffee-house, who (they said) had first introduced the right scarlet dye among us, by which the nation in general, as well as many private persons, have since been great gainers, though he was himself a beggar, who, if this be true, deserved an honourable maintenance from the public.

There are also several manufactures which we have from abroad, that may be carried on to as great perfection here as elsewhere. If it be considered that more fine linen is worn in Great Britain than in any other country of Europe, it will be difficult to assign a reason why paper may not be made here as good, and in the same quantity, as in Holland, or France, or Genoa. This is a manufacture of great consumption, and would save much to the public. The like may be said of tapestry, lace, and other manufactures, which, if set on foot in cheap parts of the country, would employ many hands, and save money to the nation, as well as bring it from abroad. Projects for improving old manufactures, or setting up new ones, should not be despised in a trading country; but the making them pretences for stockjobbing hath been a fatal imposition.

As industry dependeth upon trade, and this, as well as the public security, upon our navigation, it concerneth the legislature to provide, that the number of our