inquiries within their respective districts, and if any guns of this description should be found therein, that they will cause immediate steps to be taken, with the consent of their owners, for rendering them useless, or for removing them to a place of security. I have the honour to be, &c. &c. SIDMOUTH. H. M. Lieutenant of

In the agitation of the public mind which all these circumstances were calculated to excite, the meeting of parliament was impatiently anticipated both by the supporters and the opponents of the administration, and it was. summoned to assemble for dispatch of business on Tuesday Nov. 23rd.

CHAPTER

TH

HE session of parliament was opened on November 23rd, by the Prince Regent in person, with the following Speech:

"My Lords and Gentlemen; "It is with great concern that I am again obliged to announce to you the continuance of his Majesty's lamented indisposition. "I regret to have been under the necessity of calling you together at this period of the year; but the seditious practices so long prevalent in some of the manu facturing districts of the country, have been continued with increased activity since you were last assembled in parliament.

They have led to proceedings incompatible with the public tranquillity, and with the peaceful habits of the industrious classes of the community; and a spirit is now fully manifested, utterly hostile to the constitution of this kingdom, and aiming not only at the change of those political in stitutions which have hitherto constituted the pride and security of this country, but at the subversion of the rights of property, and of all order in society.

"I have given directions that the necessary information on this subject shall be laid before you; and I feel it to be my indispensable duty, to press on your immediate attention the consideration of such measures as may be requisite for the counteraction and suppression of a system which, if not effectually checked, must bring confusion and ruin on the nation.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons;

"The estimates for the ensuing year will be laid before you.

"The necessity of affording protection to the lives and property of his Majesty's loyal subjects has compelled me to make some addition to our military force; but I have no doubt you will be of opinion that the arrangements for this purpose have been effected in the manner likely to be the least burthensome to the country.

"Although the revenue has undergone some fluctuation since the close of the last session of parliament, I have the satisfaction of being able to inform you, that

it appears to be again in a course of progressive improvement.

"Some depression still continues to exist in certain branches of our manufactures, and I deeply lament the distress which is in consequence felt by those who more immediately depend upon them; but this depression is in a great measure to be ascribed to the embarrassed situation of other countries; and I earnestly hope that it will be found to be of a temporary nature.

"My Lords and Gentlemen;

"I continue to receive from foreign powers the strongest assurances of their friendly disposition towards this country.

"It is my most anxious wish, that advantage should be taken of this season of peace to secure and advance our internal prosperity; but the successful prosecution of this object must essentially depend on the preservation of domestic tranquillity.

"Upon the loyalty of the great body of the people I have the most confident reliance; but it will require your utmost vigilance and exertion, collectively and individually, to check the dissemination of the doctrines of treason and impiety, and to impress upon the minds of all classes of his Majesty's subjects, that it is from the cultivation of the principles of religion, and from a just subordination to lawful authority, that we can alone expect the continuance of that Divine favour and protection which have hitherto been so signally experienced in this kingdom."

After an address in correspondence with the speech had been moved in the House of

Lords by earl Manvers, and seconded by lord Churchill, Earl Grey rose to address the House. He said, that had he not been aware of the state of the country, the speech from the throne, the address moved in reply, and the language of the noble mover and seconder, would be sufficient to convince him that parliament had never assembled at a more important crisis, or when greater difficulties and dangers were to be overcome. He did not however think the line of policy pointed out in the speech such as ought to be adopted in the present state of the country, to which he had attended with the greatest care. He had heard strong observations on the of se. progress dition and treason, and the necessity of adopting measures of coercion, but no recommendation to avert the danger by relieving the people from the heavy burthens that pressed upon them. It was by a timely system of economy and reform that the threatened dangers would most effectually be met.

His lordship fully allowed the necessity of resisting plans of innovation described as destructive of the laws and constitution; but while opposing one danger, let care be taken not to incur another. The noble mover of the address had warned the House not to let an anxiety for the security of liberty lead to a compromise of the safety of the state. He, for his part, could not separate those things. The safety of the state could only be found in the protection of the liberties of the people; whatever was destructive of the latter, destroyed

stroyed also the former. He warned their lordships, in supporting the authority of govern ment, not to sanction any precedent hostile to public liberty, and therefore to the safety of the state. Where discontent generally prevailed, there must be much distress, and it was an axiom no less true, that there never was an extensive discontent without misgovernment. Two years ago, when a similar subject was under their lordships' consideration, noble friend of his (marquis Wellesley) had quoted the opinion of lord Bacon, that the surest way to prevent seditions is, to take away the matter of them, and in the spirit of this maxim had recommended the reduction of public expenditure, and especially of our great and unnecessary military establishment. Had this recommendation been attended to? No; profusion was obstinately maintained, as if the continuance of every abuse were necessary to the safety of the state. Not only was no efficient measure of reduction adopted, but additions were made to the expenditure, which no public principle justified. He had in vain opposed some of those measures which had proved most injurious to the character of parliament, and to that of the family on the throne. After this denial of justice-for to refuse a relief so necessary to the country was a denial of justice-the session was closed, in a manner most insulting to the distresses of the country, by the imposition of 3,000,000l. of new taxes. When no attention was paid to the calls of the people for relief, when their peti

tions were rejected, and their sufferings aggravated, was it wonderful that at last public discontent should assume a menacing aspect?

The noble lord then adverted to the transactions at Manchester; he was willing, he said, to suspend his judgment on the conduct of the magistrates till further information should be laid before parliament, but he condemned severely the precipitation with which their behaviour had been approved by those very persons who deprecated the prejudging of the question in the flippant and impertinent answer which had been given to the city of London. He next adverted to the removal of earl Fitzwilliam,

a man who had been distinguished by his public and constant support of the crown on every trying difficulty-a man of high rank, extensive influence, and princely possessions-a man beloved and esteemed-a man so properly described in resolutions which had lately been passed, from his particular situation, as affording security to the government and firmness and confidence to the people; when such a man was peculiarly marked out and devoted, in a season of such difficulty as the present, what confidence could exist in the ministers by whom such conduct could be sanctioned, and what hope remained for the deluded people of this country? He would now call the attention of their lordships to that part of the speech from the throne which referred to the addition of from 10,000 to 11,000 men to the regular troops. He certainly had

great

great doubts of the legality of this step without the sanction of parliament; but he would neither dwell on this nor on the prudence of adding to the national burthens an expense of from 2 to 300,000. he would simply ob. serve, that this was another of that series of measures which had marked the progress of the existing government, and which was unaccompanied with a single measure of concession to keep down the spirit of discontent that unfortunately prevailed. After a variety of other remarks, the noble lord moved an amendment, which was in substance as follows:

"To assure his royal highness the Prince Regent, that while we deeply lament the unexampled distress which exists, we shall take into our most serious consideration the various matters contained in his Royal Highness's most gracious speech. That it is impossible to express approbation of the attempts which were made to persuade the people to seek relief from the distresses under which they labour by means dangerous to the public tranquillity, and inconsistent with the security of the community; and that it is our duty, as well as our determination, to adopt measures for the prevention of those attempts. "That we humbly represent to his Royal Highness, while we thus declare our determination to give full vigour to the law, we feel called on by a sense of duty to satisfy the people that their complaints shall at all times receive that just attention which is indispensable to their safety.

"That this seems to us pecu

liarly necessary at this period, in order to create a confidence in the public mind, that they have a sufficient safeguard in the laws of the land against all encroachment on their just rights.

"That we have seen with deep regret the events which took place at Manchester on the 16th of August; and without pronouncing any opinion on the circumstances which occurred on that melancholy occasion, that we feel it demands our most serious attention and deliberate inquiry, in order to dispel all those feelings to which it has given birth, and to show that the measures then resorted to, were the result of urgent and unavoidable necessity -that they were justified by the constitution, and that the lives of his Majesty's subjects cannot be sacrificed with impunity."

SO

Lord Sidmouth regarded himself as peculiarly called upon to advert to the manner in which the noble earl had alluded to late events involving the responsibility which chiefly attached to himself. Respecting the transactions at Manchester, he said, that never was there an event publicly interesting respecting which much misrepresentation, falsehood, and exaggeration had gone forth. He contended that all presumptions ought to be in favour both of the magistrates and yeomanry. The meeting, he would boldly take upon him to assert, was not only illegal, but treasonable. The magistrates would have acted not only unwisely, but unjustly and basely, had they done otherwise than they did; the letter of approbation was sanctioned by a cabinet council,

and