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or of eventual war: if such a peace cannot be concluded by diplo matic adjustment, it must be conquered by force of arms. None other can be permanent. The magnitude of Buonaparte's military preparations, at this moment, points clearly to the means by which his propositions will be supported; and if those of the allies. should be unaided by an equally warlike attitude, either a precarious and unsubstantial pacification will ensue, or hostilities will recommence under circumstances most unpropitious to the cause of the allies.
At this crisis, every eye is fixed on the conduct of the Cabinet of Vienna. To its decision, consequences of unlimited importance are attached. The determination of Austria may prove decisive, not only of the fate of other nations, but ultimately of her own. The great work of continental deliverance from the yoke of France, so auspiciously begun and prosecuted by Alexander, might now be perfected by the seasonable and magnanimous intervention of the Emperor of Austria. By aiding the allies, he would secure the stability of his own power, and might recover both his lost dignities and his lost possessions. By his junction with France, he would infallibly seal his own ultimate ruin.
Should the armistice lead to negociation, a general, and not a continental peace, should be its only object. The maritime powers, instead of manifesting a jealousy of the maritime supremacy of Great Britain, should zealously uphold those principles to which her naval grandeur is chiefly to be ascribed. If these principles were abandoned, the Maritime States of the Continent would be unbenefited by the sacrifice; whilst their firm and unshaken assertion, by maintaining the naval superiority of Great Britain, enables her effectually to oppose and chastise the ambition of France, and to provide, by this just and equitable exercise of power, for the greater security and independence of the Continent. If the maritime greatness of this country had been extinguished in the course of the revolutionary war, would there at this time have been one free and independent state in Europe? Would not the whole have lain prostrate at the feet of France? The obvious answer to this question is alone sufficient to demonstrate the narrowness of that jealousy with which States, which, besides, are rather military than naval, view the maritime pre-eminence of England, notwithstand
ing it is to that preponderance alone, that they are, in a great measure, indebted for the means of opposing a successful resistance to French aggression.
Equally animated by a desire to conclude a permanent and honorable peace, the allies cannot manifest too much promptitude to bring to a happy termination the countless miseries of this protracted war. But if it be closed, without that indispensable guarantee for the continuance of peace, which is to be found only in the re-establishment of an effective balance of power, the sanguinary conflict will be renewed with aggravated violence and fury, and afflicted Europe will bleed afresh at every pore.
WILLIAM WILBERFORCE, ESQ.
ON THE CLAUSE
IN THE EAST-INDIA BILL
THE RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION
THE NATIVES OF THE BRITISH DOMINIONS
On the 22d of JUNE, and the 1st and 12th of JULY, 1813.
THE Writer of the following pages has been induced to publish them, partly by a wish that his sentiments on the important subject of them, and the premises which led him to the conclusions which he has formed, should not be misunderstood; and partly, he confesses, because he finds, with concern, that notwithstanding all the light which has been thrown on the moral state of the natives of India, many respectable and intelligent men still entertain very mis ́taken notions on that great question. It appeared to him best, to put together, in the form of one Speech, the substance of what was said on at least two different occasions. He is conscious that, owing to his not having been able, from various hindrances, to execute his task till long after the discussion, his recollection, even of what he himself said, has become imperfect, and therefore that his publication may be in some respect an inaccurate statement of what he actually uttered. In one or two instances he has intentionally enlarged on topics on which, in speaking, he was more concise. But the inaccuracies of his publication, he believes, are none of them important; and more especially, it is correct in that particular which he deems by far the most worthy of attention, and of which, therefore, he entreats the reader's most serious consideration-the extracts from various documents taken from the EastIndia Company's records, which have been laid before the House of Commons during the progress of the late Parliamentary Discussions. The subject itself he deems to be of a degree of importance which it transcends the powers of language to express; and he trusts that they, whose sentiments he has opposed, will forgive the warmth with which he has felt it his duty to condemn their opinions. He believes that they are actuated, no less than himself, by a sincere desire to promote the welfare of their country.
HAVE listened with no little pleasure to the Honorable Gentleman (the Hou. F. Douglas), who, for the first time, has been just delivering his sentiments; and I cordially congratulate him on the manifestation of talents and principles which, I trust, will render him a valuable accession to this House, and to his country; but before I proceed to the more direct discussion of the question before us, he will allow me to express my dissent from his opinion, that it might be advisable to employ our regular Clergy as Missionaries. It was a proposition, indeed, which naturally recommended itself to the mind of any one, who, like my Honorable Friend and myself, being attached, on principle, to the Church of England, and being deeply impressed with a sense of the blessings which we ourselves derive from it, are of course desirous of communicating the same blessings to others of our fellow-subjects.
I grant that it is much to be regretted, and among the Roman Catholics it has been the reproach of the Protestant Churches, that they have taken so little interest in the conversion of the heathen nations; and I may take this opportunity of declaring it as my opinion, that it is much to be regretted, that our excellent Church Establishment contains within itself no means of providing fit agents for the important work of preaching Christianity to the heathen. Nor is this a new opinion: on the contrary, I had the honor of stating it many years ago to two venerable and most respected Prelates, the late Archbishop of Canterbury and the late Bishop of London; and they expressed themselves favorably of a proposition which I submitted to their consideration, that there should be a distinct ordination for Missionaries, which should empower them to perform the offices of the Church in foreign countries, but