sion, partly civic, which escorted the retiring and incoming presidents, who rode in the same carriage to the Capitol, was quite respectable—unusually so for that non-enthusiastic, and, as yet, strongly pro-slavery metropolis.

3. The Senate had been sitting through most of the preceding forty-eight hours, though this was Monday, and barely concluded the labors of the session in time to allow vice-president Breckenridge to resign the Chair in a few courteous words, and take his seat on the floor as a member, while vice-president Hamlin left the floor to take the Chair with as little paradethe two thus exchanging places. This done, and several new Senators besides Mr. Breckenridge having been sworn in, the space in the chamber allotted for this occasion to the Embassadors of Foreign Powers (" Dixie"* not included) was promptly filled by the diplomatic body in full-dress; the magnates blazing with stars and orders. Soon, the Justices of the Supreme Court entered in a body, and the assemblage rose in silent homage, and stood till they were seated.

4. The remaining space on the floor was now filled to its utmost capacity by members of the House, just adjourned; and it was soon afterward announced that the presidential party had entered the edifice. On its appearance, the whole assemblage proceeded to the magnificent and spacious eastern portico of the Capitol, on which a platform had been erected, and in front of which a considerable space had been cleared, and was held by the military.

5. The president elect was barely introduced to the vast concourse by Colonel Edward D. Baker, Senator from Oregon, and received with cheers from perhaps a fourth of the thirty thousand persons confronting him. Silence having succeeded, Mr. Lincoln unrolled a manuscript, and, in a firm, clear, penetrating voice, read his inaugural address.-The American Conflict.

* The term Dixie, applied to the South, is supposed to be derived from the geographical line, drawn by Mason and Dixon, which separated the free from the slave-holding States. Negro melo dies, sung in all parts of the country, have given a wide currency to the name.

The Constitution and the People.-Lincoln.

[From the Inaugural Address, March 4th, 1861.]

1. THIS country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending, or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the national Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amendment, I fully recognize the full authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should, under existing circumstances, favor, rather than oppose, a fair opportunity's being afforded the people to act upon it.

2. I will venture to add, that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish either to accept or refuse. I understand that a proposed amendment to the Constitution (which amendment, however, I have not seen) has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments, so far as to say, that, holding such a provision to be now implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable.

3. The chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have conferred none upon him to fix the terms for the separation of the States. The people themselves, also, can do this if they choose; but the executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer the present government as it came to his hands, and to transmit it,

unimpaired by him, to his successor. Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or any equal hope in the world?

4. In our present differences, is either party without faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of nations, with His eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal-the American people. By the frame of the government under which we live, this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue and vigilance, no administration, by any extreme wickedness or folly, can very seriously injure the government in the short space of four years. 5. My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an object to hurry any of you, in hot haste, to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the new administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either.

6. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there is still no single reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust, in the best way, all our present difficulties. In your hands, my dissatisfied fellowcountrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil

war.

The government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You can have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the government; while I shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend it."