combination of causes and circumstances which no party could longer control-much less foresee the consequences of-may almost be better imagined than described. Acts which, in

a different state of things, would have been punished as murder; assassination, and treachery; the most revolting cruelty and outrages of every kind, became justified in men's own eyes, by the delusion of national freedom and patriotic revenge; and a host of evil passions, fostered by bad men of every party for the most selfish purposes, were let loose upon society; and the secret informer, the betrayer of hospitality, innocence, and friendship, the purjurer, and the assassin, and bands of mountain robbers, were to become henceforth the instigators of confusion and anarchy. The most sacred bonds of society were broken and trampled under foot. Such were among the results of one unprincipled act of aggression and injustice on the part of Napoleon. It was only one so powerful to do evil-to wield his fierce despotism with a strong hand, who could thus shake the foundations of the monarchy and the people to their centre; and it was only one other, supported by a power more concentrated and vigorous than his own-Wellington and the might of England-that could rescue and save, extinguish the flames of discord and the horrors of such a war.

of

In the same simultaneous outbreak-at Cadiz, Seville, Carthagena, Toledo, Vittoria, Valencia, Barcelona-at inferior towns and other places--both the French and their Spanish partisans, whether favourable to Napoleon or to the old regime of Charles IV., were, without distinction, barbarously assassinated. The cry "Traitor" raised for any purpose to gratify private revenge or passion of any kind, placed every individual in the power of another who might wish to deprive him of property or life. Names the most illustrious, services the most zealous, integrity, honour, and patriotism the most tried, were no longer a safeguard for Spain's noblest sons. The lamented fall of the Conde De Aguilar, and of Solano, were only examples of the terrific system so deeply rooted by a series of fatal events such as we have described. Numbers of other innocent and high-minded

men were soon sacrificed to the madness of the multitude, and the wickedness of its instigators and abettors. There were even ecclesiastics, who exchanging the cross for the dagger, led on the fanatic populace to the work of slaughter-as in the French revolution-of all men of liberal feelings, rank and wealth; and in the city of Valencia, scenes of this kind were continued for a period of twelve days.

After exhausting the merciless fury of the mobs upon the best and bravest patriots of Valencia, the wretched fanatic and ringleader, Calvo, and his followers, became the victims of their own crimes. On recovering some degree of reason, the people, shocked at the excesses they beheld, turned their arms against their betrayer, and having first imprisoned, strangled him along with his vilest associates. The cruelty and ferocity attending these popular tumults, thus directed by the worst characters to the most criminal purposes-to the destruction of the cause in which they first originated, and were bound to support, gave no slight advantage to the enemy.

Napoleon, on first hearing of the riots at Madrid, is stated to have remarked, that "Murat was going wrong and too fast ;" but, subsequently, the success of his arms, and the wild sanguinary spirit of these last excesses, sweeping off the ablest and best Spaniards, were circumstances as favourable to him, as fatal to the triumph of national independence; and he now reposed securely upon a knowledge of his own power, his increasing influence and resources. He resolved, at all hazards, to persevere.

One result of the unchecked violence of the populace, was the formation of provincial and local juntas, invested with power to raise money and levy troops. In the seaports, they opened communications with the English fleets upon the stations; they appointed deputies, some of whom proceeded to England to seek the support of the government. The sentiments of the people were evidently in favour of Ferdinand VII., of peace with Great Britain, and war to the knife-as they truly described and practised it—with the French.

While the country was thus engaged on one side; the nominal government-the council of Castile and the authorities of Madrid—on the other, proceeded, at the mandate of Napoleon, to appoint a new king to fill the vacant throne. Their choice, of course, fell upon Joseph Bonaparte-a choice to which, singularly enough, a Cardinal Bourbon, Primate of Spain, and first cousin to Charles IV., and Archbishop of Toledo, at once acceded, and addressed a congratulatory letter to Napoleon.

The intended king, who had already reigned at Naples, arrived at Bayonne on the 7th of June. On the 15th there was an assembly of notables, composed of nearly a hundred Spaniards of rank, who acknowledged Joseph as their king; deliberated on the constitution submitted to them by the Emperor, and accepted it in due form. The new monarch, attended by an escort of troops, then set out for his capital, where he arrived without interruption of any kind. He was proclaimed with the usual formalities, by the title of King of Spain and the Indies; the city and all public places were securely guarded, and resounded with peals of the French artillery.

CHAPTER V.

(1808 to 1814.)

New character of the war-Assistance of the English-They prepare to act -Weakness of the British government-Difficulties to encounter-Movements in Portugal-In Spain-General Wellesley prepares to take the command of the new expedition-His conduct as chief secretary of Ireland— Arrives at Corunna-His unremitting exertions-Decides upon landing in Portugal-His prompt and able measures counteracted by the Portuguese general-Overcomes all difficulties-Proceeds down the Tagus-Correspondence with government, &c.-With Sir H. Burrard-Dispositions for battle-Strictures upon the Portuguese-Defeat of the French at Roliça-Noble traits of conduct-Importance of the victory-Advance of the British general.

THE repression of outrages and the favourable effect of local juntas soon gave another aspect to the war. The movement, instead of being confined to mobs and the lowest refuse of society, to fanatic priests and interested characters, took a more calm direction in the leading cities and provinces. The mountain districts of the Asturias rose in mass, and not less than 40,000 men, it was rumoured, were assembled to oppose the entrance of the French. Two Spanish noblemen were instantly despatched to the British government with intelligence of this gratifying fact; while the Spaniards in the south gave the same favourable representations of the progress of affairs to Sir Hugh Dalrymple, then at Gibraltar, and to Lord Collingwood stationed on the eastern coast. From both these officers they received the required aid, for the war no longer consisted of sudden ebullitions and cries of vengeance.

We may estimate the importance of this change by the capture of the French squadron constrained to surrender at Cadiz

on the 6th of June. This event was followed by a peace with England, and as the Spaniards were vauntingly accustomed to say "war with all the world besides." Spanish prisoners were immediately liberated, and enabled to give assistance to their country. The English people likewise sympathized in the wrongs of Spain; and no more threatened with invasion, or possessed with a belief of the invincible nature of French soldiers, at one time so predominant, after the brilliant successes of the republican and imperial arms, they became eager for the continuance of the war, and no less sanguine of immediate triumph over the veteran armies of the conqueror. They did not bear in mind that he had at this moment no fewer than 120,000 chosen men in Spain and Portugal; that they were in possession of the country and the fortresses of the latter, and of all the chief cities and stations throughout Spain. Napoleon, moreover, was provided with a reserve of as many more at Bayonne, and France and her dependencies contained armies amounting to 400,000 veterans, ready to march on any point at the voice of their imperial master.

This representation will convey some idea of the gigantic task in which England was now preparing to engage, and of the genius and resources necessary to cope with a commander like Napoleon, and his well-trained generals, in such a war.

The military character of England, high as it had stood in various periods in our annals, within the last half-century, had, from numerous causes, suffered in the estimation of the great European powers. The ill success attending the expeditions into Holland, at Walcheren and other parts; the new tactics and dazzling conquests of the French; the system we still persevered in, with the old exploded rules; the corruption and favouritism which so widely prevailed, were all injurious to the physical strength and moral influence of the British army. A reform in every department was in fact requisite before it could be rendered an efficient arm capable of being wielded for active foreign service. The government had no just ideas of the real power and capabilities of Great Britain, under a reformed system,