JOHN DICKINSON (1732-1808) "The penman of the Revolution" is the title that has been bestowed upon John Dickinson, the most sane and yet the most inflexible demander of rights of the propagandists of the stormy decade preceding the war. As a native of Pennsylvania with its Quakers and its Germans, he lived in an atmosphere of conservative hard-headedness and moderation, and his demand was for firmness with England, for the yielding of not a single point, and yet for conciliation and equitable settlement. From a literary standpoint his writings surpass in excellence all the other political products of the era, and they equal at times even the best efforts of Burke. There is a universality about them that is lacking in Paine's impassioned appeals. They are full of sage epigrams, political apothegms, and wise observations that make them, in principle at least, living documents for statesmen, useful even in the settlement of presentday problems in government. "Their appearance," observes Tyler, the historian of the literature of their period, "may perhaps fairly be described as constituting, upon the whole, the most brilliant event in the literary history of the Revolution." Dickinson's most influential work appeared as a series of twelve letters written shortly after the Stamp Act episode, and copied into most of the newspapers of the time, and then issued in book form with the title Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania to the Inhabitants of the British Colonies. The book was widely circulated and was, undoubtedly, like Paine's pamphlets, one of the forces that precipitated the war. Their author became the recipient of numberless honors and of torrents of praise. "The resources of language were strained," says a contemporary essayist, "in the effort to celebrate the genius and the virtue of a man who had so gloriously distinguished himself by asserting the rights and liberties of America." While he had fought with all the logic at his command against rebellion and independence, he was by no means a tory. When war became at length inevitable he did all in his power to win the conflict, using his pen always with cogent effect and even joining as a soldier the patriot army. LETTERS FROM A FARMER LETTER III Beloved Countrymen, permits my head to think, my lips to speak, and my hand to move, I shall so highly and gratefully value the blessing received, as to take care that my silence 5 and inactivity shall not give my implied assent to any act degrading my brethren and myself from the birthright wherewith heaven itself "hath made us free." I rejoice to find, that my two former letters to you, have been generally received with so much favour by such of you whose sentiments I have had an opportunity of knowing. Could you 10 look into my heart, you would instantly perceive an ardent affection for your persons, a zealous attachment to your interests, a lively resentment of every insult and injury offered to your honour 15 or happiness, and an inflexible resolution to assert your rights, to the utmost of my weak power, to be the only motives that have engaged me to address you. I am no further concerned in anything affecting America, than any one of you; and when liberty leaves it, I can quit it much more conveniently than most of you: but while Divine Providence, that gave me existence in a land of freedom, 25 get into riots and tumults about the late 20 Sorry I am to learn, that there are some few persons, shake their heads with solemn motion, and pretend to wonder what can be the meaning of these letters. "Great Britain, they say, is too powerful to contend with; she is determined to oppress us; it is in vain to speak of right on one side, when there is power on the other; when we are strong enough to resist, we shall attempt it; but now we are not strong enough, and therefore we had better be quiet; it signifies nothing to convince us that our rights are invaded, when we cannot defend them; and if we should act, it will only bring down heavier displeasure upon us." What can such men design? What do their grave observations amount to, but this that these colonies, totally regardless of their liberties, should commit them, with humble resignation, to chance, time, and the tender mercies of ministers." Are these men ignorant, that usurpa- 10 tions, which might have been successfully opposed at first, acquire strength by continuance, and thus become irresistible? Do they condemn the conduct of these colonies, concerning the Stamp- 15 Act? Or have they forgot its successful issue? Ought the colonies at that time, instead of acting as they did, to have trusted for relief to the fortuitous events of futurity? If it is needless "to speak 20 of rights" now, it was as needless then. If the behaviour of the colonies was prudent and glorious then, and successful too, it will be equally prudent and glorious to act in the same manner now, if 25 our rights are equally invaded, and may be as successful. Therefore it becomes necessary to enquire, whether "our rights are invaded." To talk of "defending" them, as if they could be no otherwise 30 "defended" than by arms, is as much out of the way, as if a man having a choice of several roads to reach his journey's end, should prefer the worst, for no other reason, than because it is the 35 worst. As to "riots and tumults," the gentlemen who are so apprehensive of them, are much mistaken, if they think, that grievances cannot be redressed without 40 such assistance. I will now tell the gentlemen what is "the meaning of these letters." The meaning of them is, to convince the people of these colonies, that they are at 45 this moment exposed to the most imminent dangers; and to persuade them immediately, vigorously, and unanimously, to exert themselves, in the most firm, but most peaceable manner, for obtain- 50 ing relief. The cause of liberty is a cause of too much dignity, to be sullied by turbulence and tumult. It ought to be maintained in a manner suitable to her nature. 55 Those who engage in it, should breathe a sedate, yet fervent spirit, animating them to actions of prudence, justice, modesty, bravery, humanity, and magnanimity. To such a wonderful degree were the ancient Spartans, as brave and as free a people as ever existed, inspired by this happy temperature of soul, that rejecting even in their battles the use of trumpets, and other instruments for exciting heat and rage, they marched up to scenes of havock and horror, with the sound of flutes, to the tunes of which their steps kept pace "exhibiting, as Plutarch says, at once a terrible and delightful sight, and proceeding with a deliberate valour, full of hope and good assurance, as if some divinity had insensibly assisted them." I hope, my dear countrymen, that you will, in every colony, be upon your guard against those who may at any time endeavour to stir you up, under pretense of patriotism, to any measures disrespectful to our Sovereign and our mother country. Hot, rash, disorderly proceedings, injure the reputation of a people as to wisdom, valour and virtue, without procuring them the least benefit. I pray God, that he may be pleased to inspire you and your posterity to the latest ages with that spirit, of which I have an idea, but find a difficulty to express to express in the best manner I can, I mean a spirit that shall so guide you, that it will be impossible to determine, whether an American's character is most distinguishable for his loyalty to his Sovereign, his duty to his mother country, his love of freedom, or his affection for his native soil. Every government, at some time or other, falls into wrong measures; these may proceed from mistake or passion. -But every such measure does not dissolve the obligation between the governors and the governed; the mistake may be corrected; the passion may pass over. It is the duty of the governed to endeavour to rectify the mistake and appease the passion. They have not at first any other right, than to represent their grievances, and to pray for redress, unless an emergence is so pressing as not to allow time for receiving an answer to their applications, which rarely happens. If their applications are disregarded, then that kind of opposition becomes justifiable, which can be made without breaking the |