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“Hamilton did more than any, and I almost said than all, his contemporaries together to counteract the will of the people and to subvert by undermining the Constitution of their choice. * * * * * His course was an outrage upon liberty and a crime against free government. * * * * The most prominent of his measures have been discarded.”
Mr. Van Buren further says: "Thomas Jefferson stands, in my estimation, as a faithful Republican, pure patriot, and wise and accomplished statesman unequaled in the history of man.”
Jefferson thought the Constitution should have a bill of rights, and should receive certain amendments, and allowing due credit to Charles Cotesworth Pinckney of South Carolina, the first of which was inspired by him, to wit: “Congress shall make no law respecting the establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or the press," etc.
As a member of the first cabinet, Jefferson complained to Washington that Hamilton and his followers designed to bring about a centralized empire; Washington replied, “desire to do it, but not designing to do it.” Jefferson contrived our decimal system of currency, and the Federal judiciary remodeled under his administration remains excepting enlargement, substantially the same as he left it.
The “Judicial Power” of the United States was fixed by the Constitution. “It has long been my opinion,” says Jefferson, Works VII., 216, "and I have never shrunk from its expression, that the germ of dissolution of our Federal government is in the Constitution of our Federal judiciary—an irresponsible body (for impeachment is scarcely a scarecrow), working like gravity by night and by day, gaining a little to-day and a little to-morrow, and advancing its noiseless step like a thief over the field of jurisdiction."
Who can say that Jefferson's apprehensions were not well founded, unless there is a greater tendency towards a reaction as exampled by Judge Adams in the very recent Wabash Railroad suit, and thus avoid the “association of ourselves," as Mr. Ernest H. Crosby suggests, “with John Hampden and Patrick Henry, for ship money and tea tax are no less dangerous symptoms than government by injunction.”
Jefferson's parliamentary manual is still in use by the Congress of the United States, by many of the States, in national conventions and deliberative assemblies in the nation, to which his wonderful constructive statesmanship gave the basis of nearly all organic laws. Jefferson was the first to abandon the “Presidential Speech” and to send in a written message to Congress. The precedent has never been departed from.
Jane W. Guthrie in Munsey's June, 1903, on “The Making of Ohio" and speaking of her admission to the Union, as a State, says: “There were those among them who had listened to Thomas Jefferson's seductive reasoning on the rights of man. That contest, local as it seemed, was but the echo of the larger national one then taking place the struggle between the Federalists and the new political party, the Democratic-Republican headed by Jefferson, whose French-born theories were swaying the thoughts of his countrymen. In a wider significance it was part of the contest that has been going on ever since the world began between The might of man and the rights of men.” In his “Winning of the West,” President Roosevelt touches lightly upon the making of Ohio, and curtly asserts that “The Ohioans adopted a very foolish Constitution.”
Professor McMaster is more appreciative: "The making of the Constitution,” he writes, “was a political event. It was another triumph for the rights of man; another victory in that great struggle on the results of which are staked the dearest interests of the human race. It was the first expression of the most advanced ideas of free government.” The Governor of the Territory, General Arthur St. Clair, was an avowed Federalist. He saw nothing in the admission of Ohio but a political trick to strengthen the hand of Jefferson. On the other side were Ohio's first State Governor, Edward Tippin, Thomas Worthington (both Virginians), Michael Baldwin, Nathaniel Massie, William Creighton, Charles Willing Boyd, Return Jonathan Meigs, Jeremiah Morrow and Samuel Finlay. On November 29th, 1802, having decided for Statehood and framed a Constitution, it created the first free Democracy in history. "Here,” (to quote Miss Guthrie) "for the first time, three great Democratic principles found full recognition. The Governor had no veto; the judges were elected, not for life, but for a term of years; and there was no property qualifications for office." The following is the tribute which Senator Hoar paid to Ohio at Marietta, Ohio, in 1888: "Here was the first human government where absolute civil and religious liberty always prevailed. Here no witch was ever hanged. Here no heretic was ever molested. Here no slave was ever born or dwelt. When older States and nations, where the chains of human bondage have been broken, shall utter the proud boast : “With great cost I obtained this freedom," each sister of the imperial group—Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and Wisconsinmay lift up her queenly head with yet prouder answer, “But I was free born!”
If the opponents of Ohio's admission animadverted upon Jefferson's personality and his embodiment of certain political predilections, the corollary must be admitted that his intellect was the matrix in the triumph of her birth-right as the first free sovereign State, “A Jewell of Liberty in the family of Freedom,” under the re-cession and the act of Congress, concurred in by President Jefferson, approving her Constitution, just a century ago, with her own boast, that the experiment has given her six Presidents, two Chief Justices, four Associate Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States, and that Grant, the Shermans, Sheridan, Rosecrans, McPherson, McDowell, Stanton and the McCooks were all native “Buckeyes.”
It was under the second administration of Jefferson in 1805 that the celebrated Lewis and Clark expedition explored the small beginnings of our remote imperial West, acquired by discovery in 1792. They went to a vast solitude "where rolls the Oregon and hears no sound, save his own dashings” and beyond Mt. Ranier, with his undoffable cap of eternal snow, casting the shadows of morning far towards where the waters of the ocean impinged the only part of the Pacific shores—belonging to the United States.
During this administration and under the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, 1848, the Pacific National littoral became contiguous all the way, to Southern California, where fruits and flowers, in perennial growth, are never disturbed by the winter's cold.
In the purchase of Alaska, 1867, by William H. Seward, our domains, northward to the Arctics, comprehended Frozen Seas and a Land of the Midnight Sun.
In all the foregoing summary and references to the great events in this country, it can be said in the language of Alexander H. Stephens that Mr. Jefferson was the “Master Spirit from whom they all essentially emanated." The theme is worthy of the best efforts of the writers of history—just to the South. In this Centennial year of the Louisiana purchase, it will be to the unexampled credit of both authors and publishers if they silence the detractors of Jefferson and put to shame those marplots of high or low degree, who lend any disparagement to America's greatest lawmaker; whose memory should be venerated by all lovers of his country, and in whom the South feels the most exalted pride and reverential gratefulness for the sanctified honor of his birth and home and burial place upon Southern soil.
In conclusion, it might be said that in suppressing or slighting intentionally the fame of Jefferson as the foremost builder of our system, or the misappropriation of his achievements for the credit of others, evidence the greatest tribute to his genius, which originated so much on its own account, and whatever it did by co-operation with others, in the realms of practical statesmanship, for the creation and guidance of the republic, is ever deserving of the greatest share and of the most lasting credit. It will do no harm to the integrity of Republican institutions, and their tendencies in the different governments of the world to give the fullest meed of praise, deservedly, to the “Sage of Monticello.” It can be said of Jefferson as it was of Plato, that he “walked with his head among the stars, but carried a place in his heart for every little child."
Constitution and By-Laws of the Georgia Bar
The object of this Association shall be to advance the science of jurisprudence, promote the administration of justice throughout the State, uphold the honor of the profession of the law, and establish cordial intercourse among the members of the bar of Georgia. This Association shall be known as The Georgia Bar Association.
Any person shall be eligible to membership in this Association who shall be a member of the bar of this State in good standing, and who shall also be nominated as hereinafter provided. The judges of the Supreme, Superior and City Courts of this State, and the judges of the Federal Courts in this State, shall, so long as they remain in office, be honorary members of this Association, with all the rights and privileges of regular members, and without liability for the payment of dues.
The officers of this Association shall consist of one President, five Vice-Presidents, a Secretary, a Treasurer, an Executive Committee, to be composed of the President, Secretary and Treasurer, together with four members to be chosen by the Association, one of whom shall be Chairman of the committee. Each of these officers shall be elected at each annual meeting for the year ensuing, but the same person shall not be elected President two years in succession. All such elections shall be by ballot. The officers elected shall hold office until their successors are elected and qualified according to the Constitution and Bylaws.