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marine-soldiers exclusive. Such is the fact as to the present state of your fleet; and it would better become the wisdom of Parliament to remedy the deficiency, than vainly to endeavour to conceal it from the penetrating observance of the Bourbon courts, and from their agents or emissaries. I do admit that you have a goodly show of pendants and streamers waving at Spithead; but, so far are they from being formidable, as their appearance bespeaks, your ships hardly ride secure against the equinoctial gales of the present season; much less are they in any condition to put to sea, and bid defiance to an enemy: they may serve for a May-day pageant, or a pantomime, regatta-like parade, during the serene of the approaching summer. I expect to be told, with an air of triumph, that your guard-ships have many supernumeraries, which, in the usual acceptation of the term, should mean a number of men over and above the ship's proper complement; but this is a mere subterfuge, with many other instances of a like nature, where art is adopted to mislead the legislature, instead of integrity and candour to inform. We hear of supernumeraries, when the men of war which bear them by order, actually want some hundreds of that complement of seamen which would be necessary for action. Of the long list of ships of the line commissioned, in addition to your former peace-establishment, is there one manned? Even the Monarch, that crack-ship of the whole armament, which was so boasted of, as being the most forward of your supposed fleet of observation, how was she fitted at Portsmouth? Chiefly by those riggers, whom the zeal and activity of the commander induced him to employ, out of dock hours, at his own private charge, to equip her for a Spithead voyage. And how was she got thither, when ready? By the seamen from other ships; which seamen she was obliged to detain, till she was safely moored ;-the rest of your new fleet repaired to Spithead, in much the same, or worse condition: I believe the St. Alban's, of 64 guns, was the last of them; she sailed from Portsmouth harbour, Feb. 28, and mustered about 177, including officers, servants, boys, and raggamuffins: for, out. of that number, she had only 24 or 25 able seamen: yet, Sir, if this want of men were to be supplied by the assiduity or private munificence of the captain who commands her, sure 1 am, from the general character he bears, there could be no grounds for so disadvantageous an allegation as I am now stating. Numbers alone, whatsoever the levies may prove, seem the primary object with the admiralty, and regulating

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captains;

captains; that an ostentatious account may appear upon paper, and a plausible one be held forth to Parliament, and to the nation; yet, when these kidnapped and bludgeoned recruits are received on board his Majesty's ships, and found not to answer any good purpose, they are quickly dispatched, as sick, to the hospital, where they are, from time to time, examined by certain commanders of the royal navy, who are directed by the admiral at the department, to discharge all such men as may be found unserviceable. A friend of mine was lately witness to seventy of these poor wretches being turned adrift (as sailors call it) in one morning. But, Sir, the custom of manning your navy, by impressing, can assume no better argument in its justification than state necessity; a tyrant plea, which has done such frequent-such unmeasurable mischiefs in the best constituted governments upon earth. Even that plea, weak as it is, with so arbitrary-so savage an application, could only assume the colour of reason, till some more eligible and effectual expedient were discovered.

I presume, Sir, I shall not hear repeated, within these walls, a false and injurious idea, sometimes ignorantly advanced without doors, that compulsion alone can ensure the public duties of a seaman. The bill I am to move leave to bring in, will afford a competent remedy; it is founded on principles strictly just and constitutional; replete with honour and economy to the public, and according to the present establishment of your fleet, will save the nation a very considerable sum annually, as I shall undertake to prove at a proper season for investigating this point. The bill is advantageous to the masters and owners of merchant-ships, as well as to all persons whatever, concerned in commerce; it is highly beneficial to the sailor, by augmenting his wages, limiting his time of service, and providing for him, under the infirmities of age. Your seamen will henceforward, if this bill should be modelled into an act, be plently in number, more healthful and vigorous, better qualified in their profession, rendered comfortable and content; and that valuable body of subjects, to whose unparalleled address and exploits on the guardian element of your empire, the whole British community owe freedom, opulence, and martial renown, be no longer the only slaves under the sanction or connivance of law, at least on this side of the Atlantic.

The principles and provisions on which the bill is founded, have been thoroughly canvassed and approved of, by the most

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respectable professional gentlemen-many merchants, proprietors of trading and coasting vessels, and private mariners; which will be made evident by the original letters and testimonials I have in my hand; and some of which I shall, ere I sit down, take the liberty of reading to the House. With respect to the inventing and arranging this plan, it is chiefly the production of a most ingenious sea officer, who has had the experience of near 28 years, either in the royal navy or merchants employ;-a love of his profession, of his country, and some heartfelt sensibility for the sufferings of his fellow-subjects, were the motives which first induced him (near seven years ago) to the pursuit of so great and desirable an object. The considerable space of time during which he was heretofore employed to raise men for the navy, made him an eye-witness to those scenes of general calamity, and of private wrong and hardship which shocked his nature; he therefore has sedulously devoted his talents, ever since the year 1770, to prepare and accomplish this public-spirited task: his constitution and his circumstances have been much impaired by the journies he has made to several ports in this kingdom, with a view to ascertain the interests and opinions of navy people universally; besides the cost of a voluminous correspondence by letter, on the subject; and, Sir, whatever may be the fate of this bill, sufficient praise can scarce be given to his zeal, and useful tables of calculation, or to the diffidence, patience, and persevering temper of mind, with which he has (under much discouragement) submitted to various strictures and additions to his work, and by which he has profited, so as to bring it to a perfection beyond his most sanguine hopes when he first began the business; yet, however confident he, or I, may feel ourselves, from the encomiums that have been bestowed upon it in its present improved state, by the most intelligent authorities, we are still aware, that some particular articles contained in this bill may, in the penetration of Parliament, be found to want amendment, on a close discussion, when it comes before a committee of the House: presuming only on the propriety and urgent expediency of its principles and general designs, we shall cheerfully submit its minuter form and correction to the judgment of the legislature; but however, Sir, when, we are to debate it clause after clause, I have the vanity to flatter myself, from the mature consideration that has been given to every material part, I shall be able to obviate many an apparent obstacle, which naturally may arise to very discerning understandings,

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at first sight. Reason, justice, the good of the nation, the voice and wishes of all descriptions of persons throughout these kingdoms, plead loudly in favour of such a bill; and, I hope no partial enmity or jealousy, no party spleen, no official recission or diminution of perquisites at any board *, will raise up enemies for its destruction. I believe there is not an independent gentleman here, but who feels a strong repugnance in his breast and conscience, to the iniquitous unconstitutional mode of pressing, now in use, and perceives the immediate jeopardy in which your inferior manufacturers, artisans, and husbandmen, stand, in every part of the realin. These considerations, I trust, Sir, will tend to accelerate a remedy. At present there will be no occasion for me to enter further on the principles of the bill at large, nor its constituent sections, than to produce proofs of the very favourable opinions by which it is upheld without these doors, by the most eminent commercial and professional characters, and, to evince the sense which the common sailors, as well in his Majesty's fleet, as in the merchants service, have of its utility and salutary operations, if carried into a law. When I consider, Sir, the great loss we have of late unhappily sustained of our most flourishing marine nurseries-of that continual influx of seamen, from the population and extensive commerce of the North American colonies; when I consider too, this same important addition to our former power, thrown henceforward into the adverse scale, of whatever potentate shall (justly or unjustly) first wage war against us, I cannot but be convinced that our salvation, as a people, depends upon some speedy, unessayed, and effectual method of expediting our naval equipments, and rendering them truly formidable, by giving due encouragement to able marines, and inducing the lower orders of the commonalty, to train up their children in a profession which constitutes the only natural, the only strong bulwark of defence to our liberties, our wealth, and our glory.

After Mr. Luttrell had delivered his sentiments as above, he read the following professional and commercial testimonials in favour of Mr. Tomlinson's plan, the great outlines of which, are the foundation of Mr. Luttrell's bill. The first paper produced was an extract of a letter to Lieutenant Tomlinson,

* The perquisites to the Board of Admiralty, from protections during an impress, amount to about 14,000l. per annum.

Tomlinson, from an officer, who (as Mr. Luttrell stated it) not only holds a distinguished professional rank in the royal navy, but is greatly respected for his literary reputation and abilities [Capt. Edw-d Th-ps-n]: "I shall detain you no further than to assure you, that my first pride is the public good. I confess I like your plan better than any other, even than my own, for I have wrote much on the subject."

The next testimonial was from a very experienced navy captain, who some time since had the command of ship of 74 guns, at Portsmouth [Capt. H-1]: he writes to Mr. Tomlinson in the following terms: "I have not lost sight of your laborious work, but frequently discourse on the subject, with those that may be of use to you; and we agreed, that administration would be driven to the necessity of adopting your plan, much sooner than you may perhaps imagine; for the great difficulty of getting seamen to embark with us at present, too plainly shews the nakedness of the land, as well as the nakedness of all arguments used to prevent this country benefiting by your great and good work. The times at present appear to me so wild, it will be absolutely necessary to call upon you. The nobleman [Lord Sandwich] may register, review, and muster the seamen, if he pleases, when all the world is asleep; but now I am sure he will review a choice of difficulties, in manning the fleet by the usual mode."

Mr. Luttrell then said he would take the liberty of mentioning what was written to Mr. Tomlinson, respecting the principles of his plan, by a flag-officer of the most exalted naval character, now employed on a very important command abroad [Lord Howe]; and as it shews the humanity and benevolence of that noble Lord's heart, to be equal to the intrepidity of it, he conceived that the availing himself of so favourable an authority, during his absence, could not possibly give offence: "It was my ignorance of your address, that made me thus late in acknowledging the receipt of your favour of the 30th past, enclosed with your ingenious plan, for manning of the navy in time of war, without recourse to the usual method of impressing; ever no less painful to the officer executing the injunction, than severe upon the unfortunate sailor who is to be forced into the service." It would be needless (Mr. Luttrell added) to detain the House with a further correspondence of this kind; though he had several more letters in his hand, couched in the strongest terms of approbation on Mr. Tomlinson's undertaking, from many other experienced officeis, particularly one from a captain in his Majesty's

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