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a gloominess extending at times to natural phenomena as | If the banker undertakes to pay interest on deposits, the well as to the characters of the tale; the incidents are rate varies according to the length of the notice the destriking, sometimes even horrible, and it is not without positor agrees to give before withdrawing the money, the some justice that the authors have been accused of sensa- ability of the banker to deal with it being, of course, tionalism, of straining after melodramatic effect. The dependent upon the time he may rely upon keeping it. lighter, more joyous side of Irish character, which appears When money is received on a current or drawing account, so strongly in Lover, does not receive due prominence from the customer of the banker draws it out, as he requires, by the Banims. (See P. J. Murray, Life of John Banim, means of orders, to which the specific name cheques is 1857.) given; and, partly for convenience and partly by way of BANJARMASSIN, a district in the south-east of Bor- security against fraud, bankers are in the habit of giving neo, which was incorporated by the Dutch in consequence their customers books of forms of cheques consecutively of the war of 1860, in regard to the succession in the numbered. Cheques are generally payable to the person sultanate, which had been under their protection since in whose favor they are drawn (the payee) or bearer, 1787. It is watered by the river system of the Banjar, though they are sometimes payable to the payee or order, and traversed by a chain of mountains that in some places in which case endorsement by the payee is necessary reaches the height of 3000 feet. The district has been before the money can be received. By the usage of divided by the Dutch into the residency of Kween and the bankers in the United Kingdom a "crossed" cheque, that sub-residencies of Amuntal and Martapura. The town of is, a cheque across the face of which two parallel lines, with Martapura was the seat of the sultan from 1771. The the name of a banker or the words ". & Co." inserted principal productions of the district are gold, diamonds, between them, have been drawn, has been long held paycoal, pepper and other spices, drugs, edible birds' nests, able by the banker on whom it is drawn to the payee alone gum, wax, rattans, &c. The inland portion is covered with or to another banker; and this usage received the force of forest, while the flat and swampy seaboard is largely occu- law by statutes of the present reign (19 and 20 Vict. c. 25, pied by rice-fields. The inhabitants, who are for the most and 21 and 22 Vict. c. 79). part Dayaks, are roughly estimated from 300,000 to 600,000.

BANJARMASSIN, the chief town of the above district, also known as Fort Tatas, is situated about 15 miles from the mouth of the Banjar, in lat. 3° 23′ S., long. 114° 37' E. The most of the houses are built on piles, as the town is subject to frequent inundations. In 1700 the East Indian Company established a factory here; but the place was found to be unhealthy, and the Company's servants were finally attacked by the natives, whom they repulsed with great difficulty. The settlement was abandoned. The English again seized Banjarmassin in 1811, but restored it in 1817. The trade consists in the export of the products of the surrounding country and the import of cloth, Chinese pottery, all kinds of metal goods, opium, tobacco, and salt. The population is of a very mixed character, and is estimated at upwards of 30,000. Of the commercial community the Chinese form a very important portion. The coal mines, discovered in 1846 at Mount Pengaron, to the E., are largely worked by the Dutch.

BANKING. A bank, in its simplest form, is an institution where money may be deposited for safe keeping; but banks are usually established to lend as well as to receive money; and the profits of a banker are commonly derived from the excess of the interest he receives from those indebted to him over the interest he allows, so far as he allows any, to those who have deposited money with him. Early denunciations of usury (Exod. xxii. 25) show the antiquity of the practice of lending money at interest; but this must have long preceded the origin of the business of both borrowing and lending money. When this first appeared it was not, at least in modern Europe, a distinct profession, but was undertaken by goldsmiths and dealers in precious metals. In the progress of the separation of employments, which is a characteristic of an advancing society, banking became a business of its own, which has again been sub-divided into many branches independently pursued. It was, for example, formerly generally allowed to be part of the business of a banker to borrow money by issuing promissory notes payable to bearer, which passed from hand to hand as money, within the sphere of the operations of the banks, and banks thus borrowing money were called Banks of Issue; but it has been contended of late years that the function of issuing notes passing by delivery as money should be reserved for the state, or for some institution controlled and directed by the state; and we shall have hereafter to notice the controversy that has arisen on this point, and the steps that have been taken in consequence of it. An explanation of the different species of banks will also properly be deferred till a later stage, but it will be convenient here to give a general sketch of the nature of the business of an ordinary banker. We have said he receives and lends money; he may receive money either on a deposit or on a current or drawing account. When money is received on deposit it is commonly repayable to the depositor alone, to whom a deposit note or receipt is given; but it may also be paid to any one to whom the depositor gives an order on the bank either endorsed on the deposit note or receipt or accompanying it.

Bankers lend money by opening credits in their books, against which their favored customers may draw to the extent of the credits opened; by discounting bills; by the purchase of securities; or by advancing money on securities, &c., &c. It will have been gathered that they also undertake the business of collecting the money for cheques, for bills, and for other securities as they mature, which they may have received from their customers. The labor of collection is much facilitated in England by the fact that bills of exchange are almost invariably made payable in London, and that every country banker has a correspondent among the London bankers who collects for him and pays for him; and the London bankers again maintain an establishment called the Clearing-house (see p. 283), where their clerks meet to effect their interchanges.

Banking appears to have reached a high state of development among the ancients. The bankers of Greece (Tpanegirai) and Rome (argentarii, mensarii, nummularii) exercised nearly the same functions as those of the present day, except that they do not appear to have issued notes. They received money on deposit, to be repaid on demands made by cheques or orders, or at some stipulated period, sometimes paying interest for it, and sometimes not. Their profits arose from their lending the balance at their disposal at higher rates of interest than they allowed the depositors. They were also extensively employed in valuing and exchanging foreign moneys for those of Athens, Corinth, Rome, &c., and in negotiating bills of exchange. In general they were highly esteemed, and great confidence was placed in their integrity. The rate of interest charged by the bankers was sometimes very high, but that was not a consequence, as has been alleged, of their rapacity, but of the defective state of the law, which, as it gave every facility to debtors disposed to evade payment of their debts, obliged the bankers to guarantee themselves by charging a proportionally high rate of interest. Banking reappeared in Italy upon the revival of civilization. The bank of Venice is reputed the first in date in the history of modern Europe; but it did not become a bank, as we understand the term, till long after its foundation. Historians inform us that the republic being hard pressed for money, was obliged, upon three different occasions, in 1156, 1480, and 1510, to levy forced contributions upon the citizens, giving them in return perpetual annuities at certain rates per cent. The annuities due under the forced loan of 1156 were, however, finally extinguished in the 16th century; and the offices for the payment of the annuities due under the other two loans having been consolidated, eventually became the Bank of Venice. This might be effected as follows:-The interest on the loan to Government being paid punctually, every claim registered in the books of the office would be considered as a productive capital; and these claims, or the right of receiving the annuity accruing

cap. 55, passim; Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities 1 Boeckh's Political Economy of Athens, i. 168, &c.; Voyage d'Anacharse

s.v. Argentarii, &c.

2 The annuities of the forced loan of 1480 were to be suspended during periods of war.

8 Cleirac, Du Negoce, de la Banque, &c. (Bordeaux, 1656), pp. 112-117 a scarce and valuable volume.

thereon, must soon have been transferred, by demise or cession, from one person to another. This practice would naturally suggest to holders of stock the simple and easy method of discharging their mutual debts by transfers on the office books, and as soon as they became sensible of the advantages to be derived from this method of accounting, bank-money was invented. It will, however, be seen that the establishment thus described was at first no more than the transfer office of a National Debt, transfers of which were accepted at par in discharge of private debts, and it is indeed said that the funded debt transferred sometimes commanded an agio or premium above the current money of the republic. This establishment was ruined, after passing through many changes, by the invasion of the French in 1797.

The origin of modern banking may be traced to the money-dealers of Florence, who were in high repute as receivers on deposit and lenders of money in the 14th century; and banking was indeed practised at Florence in the 13th if not in the 12th century. Mr. Macleod writes (Banking, vol. i. 289)—

"The names of the Bardi, Acciajuoli, Peruzzi, Pitti, and Medici were famous throughout Europe. In 1345 the Bardi and the Peruzzi, the two greatest mercantile houses in Italy, failed. Edward III. owed the Bardi 900,000 gold florins, which his war with France prevented him paying; and the king of Sicily owed them 100,000 gold florins. The deposits of citizens and strangers with the Bardi were 550,000 gold florins. The Peruzzi were owed 600,000 gold florins by Edward III., and 100,000 by the king of Sicily, and the deposits they owed their customers were 350,000 gold florins. The fall of these two great pillars of credit involved that of multitudes of other smaller establishments, and, says Villani (Istor. Fiorent., xii. 55), the community of Florence had never been thrown into such ruin and disorder before. And thereupon he breaks out against the folly of his fellow-citizens entrusting their money to the care of others for the love of gain. The city, however, recovered from this terrible disaster, and we find that between 1430 and 1433 seventy-six bankers at Florence lent 4,865,000 gold florins. At one time Florence is said to have had eighty bankers, but not any public bank."

The business of banking was not introduced into England till the 17th century, when it began to be undertaken by goldsmiths in London, who appear to have borrowed it from Holland. It was attacked as innovations commonly are. Mr. Gilbart, in his History and Principles of Banking, quotes, from a pamphlet published in 1676, entitled The Mystery of the New-Fashioned Goldsmiths or Bankers Discovered, a passage that may be reproduced,—

"Much about the same time-the time of the civil commo

tion-the goldsmiths (or new-fashioned bankers) began to receive the rents of gentlemen's estates remitted to town, and to allow them, and others who put cash into their hands, some interest for it if it remained but a single month in their hands, or even a lesser time. This was a great allurement for people to put money into their hands, which would bear interest till the day they wanted it; and they could also draw it out by one hundred pounds or fifty pounds, &c., at a time as they wanted it, with infinitely less trouble than if they had lent it out on either real or personal security. The consequence was that it quickly brought a great quantity of cash into their hands, so that the chief or greatest of them was now enabled to supply Cromwell with money in advance, on the revenues, as his occasion required, upon great advantages to themselves."

Sir Josiah Child also attacked "that innovated practice of bankers in London" in his New Discourse of Trade, though he subsequently became himself a banker; and his house, Messrs. Child and Co., of Temple Bar, and the house of Messrs. Hoare, in Fleet Street, still survive as the only private banks now in existence in London which were established previous to the Bank of England.

Foundation and Early History of the Bank of England. The Bank of England, which has long been the principal bank of deposit and circulation in Great Britain, and indeed in Europe, was founded in 1694. Its principal projector, Mr. William Paterson, an intelligeut Scotch gentleman, was afterwards engaged in the ill-fated Darien enterprise. Government being at the time much distressed for want of money, partly from the defects and abuses in the system of taxation, and partly from the difficulty of borrowing because of the supposed instability of the Revolutionary establishment, the bank grew out of a loan of £1,200,000 for the public service: The subscribers, besides receiving 8 per cent. on the sum advanced as interest, and

VOL. III.-114

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£4000 a year as the expense of management, in all £100,000 a year, were incorporated into a society denominated the Governor and Company of the Bank of England. The charter is dated the 27th of July, 1694. It declares, amongst other things, that they shall "be capable, in law, to purchase, enjoy, and retain to them and their successors, any moneys, lands, rents, tenements, and possessions whatsoever; and to purchase and acquire all sorts of goods and chattels whatsoever, wherein they are not restrained by Act of Parliament; and also to grant, demise, and dispose of the same.

"That the management and government of the corporation be committed to the governor and twenty-four directors, who shall be elected between the 25th of March and the 25th day of April each year, from among the members of the company duly qualified.

"That no dividend shall at any time be made by the said governor and company, save only out of the interest, profit, or produce arising by or out of the said capital, stock, or fund, or by such dealing as is allowed by Act of Parliament.

"They must be natural-born subjects of England, or naturalized subjects; they shall have in their own name, and for their own use, severally, viz., the governor at least £4000, the deputy-governor £3000, and each director £2000, of the capital stock of the said corporation.

"That thirteen or more of the said governors and directors (of which the governor or deputy-governor must be always one) shall constitute a court of directors, for the management of the affairs of the company, and for the appointment of all agents and servants which may be necessary, paying them such salaries as they may consider reasonable.

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'Every elector must have, in his own name and for his own use, £500 or more capital stock, and can only give one vote. He must, if required by any member present, take the oath of stock, or the declaration of stock in case he may be one of the people called Quakers.

"Four general courts shall be held in every year, in the months of September, December, April, and July. A general court may be summoned at any time, upon the requisition of nine proprietors duly qualified as electors. The majority of electors in general courts have the power to make and constitute by-laws and ordinances for the government of the corporation, provided that such by-laws and ordinances be not repugnant to the laws of the kingdom, and be confirmed and approved according to the statutes in such case made and provided."

It is authorized to

The corporation is prohibited from engaging in any sort of commercial undertaking other than dealing in bills of exchange, and in gold and silver. advance money upon the security of goods or merchandise pledged to it, and to sell by public auction such goods as are not redeemed within a specified time.

It was also enacted, in the same year in which the bank was established, by statute 6 William and Mary, c. 20, that the bank "shall not deal in any goods, wares, or merchandise (except bullion), or purchase any lands or revenues belonging to the Crown, or advance or lend to their majesties, their heirs or successors, any sum or sums of money, by way of loan or anticipation on any part or parts, branch or branches, fund or funds of the revenue, now granted or belonging, or hereafter to be granted, to their majesties, their heirs and successors, other than such fund or funds, part or parts, branch or branches of the said revenue only on which a credit of loan is or shall be granted by Parliament." And in 1697 it was enacted, that the common capital or principal stock, and also the real fund, of the governor and company, or any profit or produce to be made thereof, or arising thereby, shall be exempted from any rates, taxes, assessments, or impositions whatsoever during the continuance of the bank; that all the profit, benefit, and advantage from time to time arising out of the management of the said corporation, shall be applied to the uses of all the members of the said association of the governor and company of the Bank of England, ratably and in proportion to each member's part, share, and interest in the common capital and principal stock of the said governor and company hereby established."

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In 1696, during the great recoinage, the bank was involved in great difficulties, and was even compelled to suspend payment of its notes, which were at a heavy discount. Owing, however, to the judicious conduct of the

directors, and the assistance of the Government, the bank got over the crisis. But it was at the same time judged expedient, in order to place it in a situation the better to withstand any adverse circumstances that might afterwards occur, to increase the capital from £1,200,000 to £2,201,171. In 1708 the directors undertook to pay off and cancel one million and a half of exchequer bills they had circulating two years before, at 4 per cent., with the interest upon them, amounting in all to £1,775,028, which increased the permanent debt due by the public to the bank, including £400,000 then advanced in consideration of the renewal of the charter, to £3,375,028, for which they were allowed 6 per cent. The bank capital was then also doubled, or increased to £4,402,342. But the year 1708 is chiefly memorable in the history of the bank, for the Act previously alluded to, which declared, that during the continuance of the corporation of the Bank of England, "it should not be lawful for any body politic, erected or to be erected, other than the said governor and company of the Bank of England, or of any other persons whatsoever, united or to be united in covenants or partnership, exceeding the number of six persons, in that part of Great Britain called England, to borrow, owe, or take up any sum or sums of money on their bills or notes payable on demand, or in any less time than six months from the borrowing thereof." This proviso is said to have been elicited by the Mine Adventurers Company having commenced banking business and begun to issue notes. It will be seen on examination that the proviso did not prohibit the formation of associations for general banking business; it simply forbade the issue of notes by associations of more than six partners; but the issue of notes was regarded as so essential to the business of banking, that it came to be believed that joint-stock banking associations were absolutely prohibited in England, and no such association was founded until after the legislation of 1826 (see p. 277) expressly permitting them to be established. The charter of the Bank of England, when first granted, was to continue for eleven years certain, or till a year's notice after the 1st of August, 1705. The charter was further prolonged in 1697. In 1708, the bank, having advanced £400,000 for the public service, without interest, the exclusive privileges of the corporation were prolonged till 1733. And in consequence of various advances made at different times, the exclusive privileges of the bank were continued by successive renewals till the 1st of August, 1855, with the proviso that they might be cancelled on a year's notice to that effect being given after the said 1st of August, 1855.

On the following page will be found an account of the successive renewals of the charter, of the conditions under which these renewals were made, and of the variations in the amount and interest of the permanent debt due by Government to the bank, exclusive of the dead weight. The capital of the bank on which dividends are paid has never exactly coincided with, though it has seldom differed very materially from, the permanent advance by the bank to the public. We have already seen that it amounted in 1708 to £4,402,342. Between that year and 1727 it had increased to near £9,000,000. In 1746 it amounted to £10,780,000. From this period it underwent no change till 1782, when it was increased 8 per cent., amounting to £11,642,400. It continued stationary at this sum down to 1816, when it was raised to £14,553,000, by an addition of 25 per cent. from the profits of the bank, under the provisions of the Act 56 Geo. III. c. 96. The Act for the renewal of the charter 3 and 4 Will. IV. c. 98, directed that the sum of £3,671,700, being the fourth part of the debt due by the public to the bank, should be paid to the latter, giving the bank the option of deducting it from its capital. But that has not been done; and after sundry changes, the capital of the bank amounts, as formerly, to £14,553,000.

The Bank of England has been frequently affected by panics amongst the holders of her notes. In 1745 the alarm occasioned by the advance of the Highlanders, under the Pretender, as far as Derby, led to a run upon the bank; and in order to gain time to effect measures for averting the run, the directors adopted the device of paying in shillings and sixpences! But they derived a more effectual relief from the retreat of the Highlanders, and from a resolution agreed to at a meeting of the principal merchants and traders of the city, and very numer

ously signed, declaring the willingness of the subscribers to receive bank-notes in payment of any sum that might be due to them, and pledging themselves to use their utmost endeavors to make all their payments in the same medium.

During the tremendous riots in June, 1780, the bank incurred considerable danger. Had the mob attacked the establishment at the commencement of the riots, the consequences might have proved fatal. But they delayed their attack till time had been afforded for providing a force sufficient to ensure its safety. Since that period a considerable military force occupies the bank every night as a protection in any emergency that may occur.

Progress of Banking in England down to Restriction Order of 1797.

The business of banking had meanwhile been undertaken in several of the country towns of England. The still existing bank of Messrs. Smith & Co. of Nottingham, the parent of the London establishment of Messrs. Smith, Payne, and Smiths, claims to have been established in 1688; the Bristol Old Bank (Messrs. Baillie, Cave, and Co.) dates from 1750; the Hull Old Bank (Messrs. Pease and Co.) from 1754; and many other country banks trace back their history to the latter half of the last century. It is believed that all these bankers issued their own notes payable to bearer as part of their business; and they were not very scrupulous in regard to the magnitude of the sums for which they were given. The Bank of England had not issued any notes for less than £20 previously to 1759, when it commenced the issue of £10 notes; but the country bankers put in circulation notes for such small sums that Parliament enacted, in 1775, that none should be issued for less than £1. In 1777 this minimum limit was further raised to £5, but in spite of this restriction the number and the amount of the issues of the country bankers soon became dangerously multiplied. The ter mination of the American War was followed by a great industrial and commercial development at home. Agriculture, commerce, and still more, manufactures, into which Watt's and Arkwright's inventions had been lately introduced, immediately began to advance with a rapidity unknown at any former period. In consequence, that confidence which had either been destroyed, or very much weakened by the disastrous events of the war, was fully re-established. The extended transactions of the country required fresh facilities for carrying them on, and these were supplied in the utmost profusion. The number of banks, which in 1784 was certainly under 150, increased so rapidly, that in 1792 they amounted to about 350. In consequence, a banking office was opened in every markettown and in most considerable villages. And such being the case, it is needless, perhaps, to add, that the prudence, capital, and connections of those who set up these estab lishments were but little attended to. The great object of a large class of traders was to obtain discounts; and the bankers of an inferior description were equally anxious to accommodate them. All sorts of paper were thus forced into circulation, and enjoyed nearly the same degree of esteem. The bankers and those with whom they dealt had the fullest confidence in each other. No one seemed to suspect that there was anything hollow or unsound in the system. Credit of every kind was strained to the utmost; and the available funds at the disposal of the bankers were reduced far below the level which the magnitude of their transactions required to render them secure.

The catastrophe which followed was such as might easily have been foreseen. The currency having become redundant, the exchanges took an unfavorable turn in the early part of 1792. A difficulty of obtaining pecuniary accommodation in London was not long after experienced; and, notwithstanding the efforts of the Bank of England to mitigate the pressure, a violent revulsion took place in the latter part of 1792 and the beginning of 1793. The failure of one or two great houses excited a panic which proved fatal to many more. Out of the 350 country banks in England and Wales, when this revulsion began, about 300 were compelled to stop payments, and upwards of 50 were totally destroyed, producing by their fall an ex tent of misery and bankruptcy till then unknown in the country.

Attempts. have sometimes been made to show that this

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crisis was not occasioned by an excess of paper money having been forced into circulation, but by the agitation caused by the war then on the eve of breaking out. But there does not seem to be any good grounds for this opinion. The symptoms of an overflow of paper-a fall of the exchange, and an efflux of bullion-took place early in 1792, or about twelve months before the breaking out of hostilities.

Suspension of Cash Payments in 1797.

they were rendered such in practice, by being received as cash in all payments on account of Government, and by the vast majority of individuals. For the first three years of the restriction, their issues were so moderate that they not only kept on a par with gold, but actually bore a small premium. But in 1801, 1802, and 1803, they were so much increased that they fell to a discount of from 8 to 10 per cent. In 1804 they again recovered their value; and from that year to 1808, both inclusive, they were at a discount of 2 per cent. In 1809 and 1810, however, the directors appear to have embarked on a new course, and to have entirely lost sight of the principles by which their issues had previously been governed; for the average amount of bank-notes in circulation, which had not exceeded 17} millions, nor fallen short of 16 millions, in any one year, from 1802 to 1808, both inclusive, was in 1809 raised to £18,927,833, and 1810 to £22,541,523. The issues of country bank paper were increased in a still greater proportion; and, as there was no corresponding increase of the business of the country, the discount on bank-notes rose from 2 in 1808 to from 13 to 16 per cent. in 1809 and 1810.

The year 1797 is a most important epoch in the history of English banking. Owing partly to events connected with the war then carried on, to loans to the Emperor of Germany, to bills drawn on the treasury at home by the British agents abroad, and partly, and chiefly, perhaps, to the advances most unwillingly made by the bank to Government, which prevented the directors from having a sufficient control over their issues, the exchanges became unfavorable in 1795, and in that and the following year large sums of specie were drawn from the bank. In the end of 1796 and beginning of 1797, considerable apprehensions were entertained of invasion, and rumors were This depreciation in the value of bank paper being propagated of descents having been actually made on the accompanied by a corresponding fall in the exchange atcoast. In consequence of the fears that were thus excited, tracted the attention of the public and the legislature. In runs were made on the provincial banks in different parts consequence, the House of Commons appointed, in 1810, a of the country; and some of them having failed, the committee to inquire into the subject; and having exampanic became general and extended itself to London. ined several witnesses, the committee in their report, which Demands for cash poured in from all quarters upon the was both an able and a celebrated paper, justly ascribed bank, which, on Saturday the 25th of February, 1797, had the fall in the value of bank paper, as compared with gold, only £1,272,000 of cash and bullion in its coffers, with to its over-issue; and recommended, in the view of correctevery prospect of a violent run taking place on the following the existing evil and of preventing its recurrence, that ing Monday. In this emergency, an order in council was within two years the bank should be obliged to resume issued on Sunday the 26th, prohibiting the directors from specie payments. But this recommendation not being paying their notes in cash until the sense of Parliament adopted, the over-issue of paper went on increasing. In should be taken on the subject. And after Parliament met, 1812 it was at an average discount, as compared with buland the measure had been much discussed, it was agreed lion, of 20 per cent.; in 1813, of 23 per cent.; and in 1814, to continue the restriction till six months after the signature when the maximum of depreciation was attained, it was at of a definitive treaty of peace. 25 per cent.

As soon as the order in council prohibiting payments in cash appeared, a meeting of the principal bankers, merchants, traders, &c., of the metropolis, was held at the Mansion-house, when a resolution was agreed to, and very numerously signed, pledging, as had been done in 1745, those present to accept, and to use every means in their power to make bank-notes be accepted as cash in all transactions. This resolution tended to allay the apprehensions that the restriction had excited.

Parliament being in session at the time, a committee was immediately appointed to examine into the affairs of the bank; and their report put to rest whatever doubts might have been entertained with respect to the solvency of the establishment, by showing, that at the moment when the order in council appeared, the bank was possessed of property to the amount of £15,513,690, after all claims upon it had been deducted. This suspension of cash payments being naturally followed by a withdrawal of gold from circulation, made it necessary to allow of the issue of notes of a smaller denomination than £5, and the statute of 1777 was accordingly also suspended.

Much difference of opinion has existed with respect to the policy of the restriction in 1797; but, considering the peculiar circumstances under which it took place, its expediency seems abundantly obvious. The run did not originate in any over-issue of bank paper, but grew entirely out of political causes. So long as the alarms of invasion continued, it was clear that no bank paper immediately convertible into gold would remain in circulation. And as the bank, though possessed of ample funds, was without the means of instantly retiring its notes, it might, but for the interference of Government, have been obliged to stop payments,—an event which, had it occurred, might have produced consequences fatal to the public interests.

The error of the Government did not consist in their coming to the assistance of the bank, but in continuing the restriction after the alarm of invasion had ceased and there was nothing to hinder the bank from safely reverting to specie payments.

It had been generally supposed, previously to the passing of the Restriction Act, that bank-notes would not circulate unless they were immediately convertible into cash. But the event showed that this was not really the case. Though the notes of the Bank of England were not, at the passing of the Restriction Act, declared by law to be legal tender,

At the period when the restriction on cash payments took place in 1797, it is supposed that there were about 280 country banks in existence; but so rapidly were these establishments multiplied, that they amounted to above 900 in 1813. The price of corn, influenced partly by the depreciation of the currency and the facility with which discounts were obtained, but more by deficient harvests and the unprecedented difficulties which the war threw in the way of importation, rose to an extraordinary height during the five years ending with 1813. But the harvest of that year being unusually productive, and the intercourse with the Continent being then also renewed, prices, influenced by both circumstances, sustained a very heavy fall in the latter part of 1813 and the beginning of 1814. And this fall having ruined considerable number of farmers and produced a general want of confidence, such a destruction of provincial paper took place as has rarely been paralleled. In 1814, 1815, and 1816, no fewer than 240 country banks stopped payment; and eighty-nine commissions of bankruptcy were issued against these establishments, being at the rate of one commission against every ten and a half of the total number of banks existing in 1813.

The great reduction that was thus suddenly and violently brought about in the quantity of country bank paper, by extending the field for the circulation of Bank of England paper, raised its value in 1817 nearly to a par with gold. The return to cash payments being thus facilitated, it was fixed, in 1819, by the Act 59 Geo. III. c. 78, commonly called Sir Robert Peel's Act, that they should take place in 1823. But to prevent any future over-issue, and at the same time to render the resumption as little burdensome as possible, it was enacted, in pursuance of a plan suggested by Mr. Ricardo, that the banks should be obliged, during the interval from the passing of the Act till the return to specie payments, to pay its notes, if required, in bars of standard bullion of not less than sixty ounces' weight This plan was not, however, acted upon during the period allowed by law; for, a large amount of gold having been accumulated at the bank, the directors preferred recom mencing specie payments on the 1st of May, 1821.

The fluctuations, referred to above, in the value of paper were exceedingly injurious. From 1809 to 1815, the creditors of every antecedent contract, land-holders whose estates had been let on lease, stockholders and annuitants of every description-all, in short, who could not raise the

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