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A !



between z = +2 and 2= - where a means a small length. I proved. Imagine the particle weighing P units to be rig. But this comes to the same as if the central pivot were ab- idly connected with, say, AA', but situated to the left of solutely perfect, but had the common centre of gravity Co, that line, and, whatever may be its distance from AA', instead of being fixed at x = 0, oscillating between 2 - 't no when the beam descends through a certain angle, the ver. In other words, the balance may possibly come to rest at tical projection of the path described by the point D, ice, any position within a certain angle =B, which, as an angle its fall h, has the same value whatever its distance from of deviation, corresponds to the overweight

AA'. Hence the work done, say, against an elastic string

tending to hold the beam in its place, invariably is - P 6-{2(po+p) +W17

as it would be if D was situated in AA'. Assume now, secondly, that, say, the right terminal edge

B was slightly turned so as no longer to be parallel to the middle edge. This in itself would not matter much, because although it might produce a change in the length of

A the right arm, this change would be permanent, and the arm-length again be constant, provided the hook-and-eye

B' arrangement for the suspension of the pan, and the arrestment,

were ideally perfect. But, practically, they are not, and, moreover, the knife-edge and its bearing are not what theory supposes them to be; and the effect is the same as if the virtual point of application A of the charge Po + p, instead of being at the constant distance l from the centre, oscillated irregularly between l + N and I – 2, where a' has a similar meaning to that of 2g. The joint

Fig. 8.-Roberval's Balance. effect of the imperfections of the three pivots is that the indications of the balance, instead of being constant, are The ordinary Decimal Balance is a combination of variable within = €, where e means a small weight deter- levers illustrated by fig. 9. a, c, b, d, e, g, h, f, are all mined approximately by the equation

joints or pivots; a and h rest on the fixed framework of 1

the machine, and consequently indirectly on the ground; 1-1 {[2(Po + p) + W]20+2( po + p)a} · (7). c rests on the lever ab. In the actual machine od supports

the “bridge,which accommodates the load, while at j is Hence, in a balance to be constructed for a given purpose, suspended a pan for the weight. The pan is so adjusted ! must be made long enough to make sure of its compensat- that it balances the bridge. Suppose the load P to be ing the effects of the a's, which, for a given set of knife- placed so that its centre of gravity is at , and a portion edges, and a given degree of absolute exactitude in their adjustment, may be assumed to have constant values. Ev

9 h

Í idently in a given balance & has nothing to do with the sensibility, and consequently it would be useless to increase the sensibility beyond what is required to make the angle p, corresponding to e (i.e., that angle within which the balance is, so to speak, in different equilibrium), conveniently visible. To go further would, in general, be a mistake, because the greater the sensibility the more markedly it varies with the charge, the less is the maximum

Jd overweight, which can be determined by the method of vibration, and, last not least, the more slowly the balance will vibrate, because the time of vibration 7 is governed

Fig. 9.-Decimal Balance. by the equation


P. of P will press on the knife-edge at c, the rest Pe will

pall at d and, with the same force, at g. Now, Pc = W 80+ 2h( po+ p)

id where k is a constant which depends on the shape of the P. equivalent to Po pulling at b or e, equivalent to


ab beam, and for the ordinary perforated rhombus is about }, while Ry stands for the length of the pendulum

id eh P.

ca beating seconds at the place. Introducing the sensibility

pulling at g. The dimensions are so chosen 1 W80 +2h( po+p)'

we have to ena, where c is a constant. that hence the effect of Pc at g is equivalent to 4. Compound Lever Balances.-Of these numerous inven

id tions-in all of which a high degree of practical conveni- a weight P The other portion of P, viz., Pa, pulle

cd ence is obtained at the expense of precision-we must content ourselves with noticing two which, on account of their at d, and consequently also at g, with a force P.

ic extensive use, cannot be passed over. We here allude, in the first place, to that particular kind of equal-armed lever Hence the effect of the total load is equivalent to balances, in which the pans are situated above the beam,

lictid and which are known as Roberval's Balances ;” and P. -P units suspended at g, and if, for instance, secondly, to those peculiar complex steel-yards which are cd used for the weighing of heavy loads by means of com-gh-to hf, one pound in the pan will counterpoise ten paratively small weights.

pounds at any point of the bridge In Robervals balance (fig. 8), the beam consists of a 5. Torsion Balances.—Of the several instruments bearing parallelogram, in which each of the four corners A, B, A', this name, the majority are no balances at all, but machines B' is a joint, and which by means of two joints situated for measuring horizontal forces (electric, magnetic, &c.), by in the centres of the two longer sides AB and A'B' is sus- the extent to which they are able to distort an elastic wire pended from a vertical rod so that the two shorter sides vertically suspended and fixed at its upper end. In the AA' and BB' under all circumstances stand vertical. torsion balances proper the wire is stretched out horizonWith these two sides the pans are rigidly connected; and tally, and supports a beam so fixed to it that the wire passes the main feature in the machine is, that wherever the through its centre of gravity. Hence the elasticity of the charge in the pan may lie, i.e., whatever may be the vir- wire here plays the same part as the weight of the beam tual point of application of the whole charge P in regard does in the common balance. An instrument of this sort to the vertical side of the beam, its statical effect is the was invented by Ritchie for the measurement of very small same as if P was concentrated in a point D in the axis of weights, and for this purpose it may offer certain advan. the rod AA' or BB'. That this really is so is easily | tages; but, clearly, if it were ever to be used for measuring



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larger weights, the beam would have to be supported by the security of the general tranquillity. In this respect mife-edges and bearings, and in regard to such application all neighboring nations, trading with each other, form one therefore (i.e., as a means for serious gravimetric work), it great body and a sort of community. Thus, Christendom has no raison d'être. See ELECTRICITY and MAGNETISM. is a kind of universal republic, which has its interests, its

6. For Hydrostatic weighing machines see the article fears, and its precautions to be taken. All the members HYDROMETER.

(W. D.) of this great body owe it to one another for the common BALANCE OF POWER. The theory of the Balance good, and owe it to themselves for the security of their of Power may be said to have exercised å preponderating country, to prevent the progress of any other members who influence over the policy of European statesmen for more should seek to overthrow this balance, which would turn than two hundred years, that is, from the Treaty of to the certain ruin of all the other members of the same Westphalia until the middle of the present century; body. Whatever changes or affects this general system of and to have been the principal element in the political Europe is too dangerous, and draws after it infinite miscombinations, negotiations, and wars which marked that chiefs." Whatever


be the value of these philanthropic long and eventful period of modern history. It deserves, principles, history reminds us that when they were most therefore, the attentive consideration of the historical loudly professed they were most frequently violated, and student, and, indeed, the motive cause of many of the that no cause of war seems to have been so frequent or so greatest occurrences would be unintelligible without a fatal as the spurious pretext of restoring peace and defenddue estimate of its effects. Even down to our own times ing the general tranquillity of the world. Thus, it was to it has not been without an important influence; for the balance the power of the house of Austria that Cardinal Crimean War of 1854 was undertaken by England and Richelieu flung France into the quarrels of Germany in the France for no other object than to maintain the balance of Thirty Years' War, and even lent her aid to the Protestant power in Eastern Europe, and to prevent the aggrandize- cause. It was to balance the encroaching and aggressive ment of Russia by the dismemberment of the Ottoman power of Louis XIV. that numerous combinations were empire and the conquest of Constantinople. Nevertheless formed between England, Austria, and Holland, which, there is, perhaps, no principle of political science, long and after nearly half a century of almost uninterrupted contests universally accepted by the wisest statesmen, on which and bloodshed, ended in the peace of Utrecht. "The pretext modern opinion has, within the last twenty years, under- of Frederick II., when he was meditating some act of rapine, gone a greater change; and this change of opinion is not generally was that he believed some hostile combination merely speculative, it' has regulated and controlled the had been formed against him, which it was wise to anticipolicy of the most powerful states, and of none more than pate. In short, no cause of war has been more frequently of Great Britain, in her dealings with the continent of alleged and acted upon, than that a proper consideration Europe. At the date of the publication of the last edition for the balance of power rendered it necessary to take of this work, the theory of the balance of power was forcible measures to avert some remote or hypothetical believed to be so firmly established, both by reason and danger. experience, that it was laid down, in the forcible words of It is obviously a maxim, not only of policy but of comEarl Grey, that the poorest peasant in England is inter- mon sense and human nature, that the weak should combine ested in the balance of power, and that this country ought to protect themselves against the strong, and that when to interfere whenever that balance appeared to be really the independence of minor states is threatened by the in danger.” At the present time no English statesman ambition or the overwhelming superiority of a power aiming would lay down that proposition categorically; and prob- at universal empire, they will do wisely to unite for the ably no European statesmen would be prepared to act purposes of self-defence and resistance. Frederick II. opon it. In proportion as the theory of the balance of himself says, in his Anti-Machiavel, where he laid down power has lost much of its former authority, the doctrine precepts which he did not practise," When the excessive of non-intervention has gained strength and influence, and aggrandizement of one power threatens to overwhelm all this has been accepted at the present day both by Whig others, it is the part of wisdom to oppose barriers to its and Tory ministers, so that no strong difference of opinion encroachments, whilst there is yet time to stay the torrent. car at the present time be said to exist in the British nation The clouds are seen to gather, the lightning announces a on the subject. Within the last fifteen years political coming storm, and the sovereign who is unable to contend changes of extraordinary magnitude have been brought against the tempest will, if he is wise, unite himself with about in Europe by force of arms and by revolutions. In all those who are menaced by the same common danger, former times such changes would certainly have led to a Had the kings of Egypt, Syria, and Macedonia confederated general war, on the principle that it was essential to together against the Roman power, they would not have maintain the relative strength and independence of states, fallen under its oppressive yoke; an alliance prudently and to support the fabric of European policy., But, under contracted, and a war carried on with energy, would have the policy of non-intervention, the effects of these contests saved the ancient world from universal despotism.” So have been confined to the states which were directly too, Hume, in his celebrated Essay on the Balance of engaged in them; and the other powers of Europe have Power, endeavors to show that the ancients were familiar maintained a cautious neutrality, which has probably not with the principle both as statesmen and historians, and, lessened their own strength, and which has saved the for example, ho avers that whoever will read Demosthenes's world from a general conflagration.

oration for the Megalopolitans, will see the utmost refine The theory of the balance of power rested on several ments on this principle that ever entered into the head of assumptions. It was held, more especially from the time a Venetian or European speculatist. of Grotius, in the early part of the 17th century, that the But with great respect to these illustrious authorities, states of Europe formed one grand community or federal they appear to have discussed, under the name of the league, of which the fundamental principle and condition balance of power, a principle which might more fitly be was the preservation of the balance of power; that by termed a theory of warlike alliances. The object of the this balance (in the words of Vattel) was to be understood balance of power, rightly understood, is not to carry on such a disposition of things, as that no one potentate or war with success, but to avoid war altogether, by establishstate shall be able absolutely to predominate and prescribe ing a common interest and obligation in the maintenance laws to the others; that all were equally interested in of the conditions of peace. When war is declared, public maintaining this common settlement, and that it was the law is suspended, and each state must be guided by what interest, the right, and the duty of every power to interfere, it conceives to be its own interest and duty. If the theory even by force of arms, when any of the conditions of this of the balance of power has any value at all, it is not in settlement were infringed or assailed by any other member the hour of violence and bloodshed, when the fate of of the community. The principle can hardly be more nations may be decided on a field of battle, but rather in tersely expressed than in the words of Polybius (lib. i. cap. those negotiations which must eventually terminate the 83): "Neque enim ejusmodi principia contemnere oportet, contest, which commonly bring together for that purpose neque tanta cuiquam astruenda est potentia, ut cum eo the representatives of all the belligerents, and which are postea de tuo quamvis manifesto jure disceptare ex æquo designed to provide against the recurrence of these calaminon queas.” Or, to borrow the language of Fénelon in ties. his Instructions, drawn up by him for the guidance of the The ablest and most eloquent champion of the system Duc de Bourgogne, “This attention to maintain a sort of of equipoise in the present century was the Chevalier von squality and equipoise between neighboring nations is Gentz, who published his Fragments upon the Balance of


Power in Europe in 1806, under the influence of the catas- | Europe an unbroken or durable peace; and even the ter. trophe which had subjugated the Continent, and who subse- ritorial relations of France and Germany were altered quently took an active part at the Congress of Vienna in within thirty years of that time by the conquest of Franche the attempts to constitute a new system of European policy. Comté and Alsace. But the wars of Louis XIV. were not Gentz delines the balance of power as “a constitution general wars, until he engaged in the fatal attempt to place subsisting between neighboring states more or less con- his grandson on the throne of Spain, and to unite the two nected with one another, by virtue of which no one among crowns in the house of Bourbon. Efforts had been made, them can injure the independence or essential rights of in view of the approaching extinction of the Spanish branch another, without meeting with effectual resistance on some of the house of Austria, to preserve the balance of power side, and consequently exposing itself to danger.” And he by a timely partition of the vast dominions of the Spanish rests this constitution on four propositions :-(1.) That no empire-a remarkable example of an attempt to prevent a state must ever become so powerful as to coerce all the formidable catastrophe by an equitable arrangement. But rest; (2.) That every state which infringes the conditions it may be doubted whether any arrangement in which so is liable to be coerced by the others; (3.) That the fear little account was taken of the wishes and traditions of of coercion should keep all within the bounds of modera- nations could possibly have succeeded; and it unquestion; and (4.) That a state having attained a degree of lionably failed, because Louis XIV. did not hesitate to power to defy the union should be treated as a common repudiate the treaties he had signed, and to avail himself enemy. He argues that by a strict adherence to these prin- of the last will and testament of Charles II., which had ciples wars would be averted, excessive power restrained, been extorted from the Spanish court by his intrigues. and the independent existence of the humblest members of That event raised again the whole question of the balance the confederacy secured. But, for the reasons we have of power in Europe. It was received as a doctrine of previously assigned, it is a fallacy to suppose that even the political faith that the union of the French and Spanish civilized states of Europe have ever naturally formed a con- crowns in one family must be fatal to the independence of federacy, or that their relations are governed by common all other states ; that it would replace the Stuarts upon the rules of action, recognized alike by all of them. That theory throne of England, and establish the ascendency of France supplies a very insecure basis for the balance of power and and the Catholic party over Europe. It was therefore the maintenance of peace. The law of nations, not being resisted by a coalition, of which England, Austria, and imposed or sanctioned by any supreme and sovereign au- Holland were the principal members. France was at thority, is, in fact, reducible to the general laws of morality, length reduced to the lowest point of humiliation, and in which ought to regulate the dealings of mankind, except 1709 peace might have been obtained on every point but when it has been expressed and established in the form of a Louis refused to turn his arms against his own contract, binding on all the parties to that obligation. To grandson, and the war continued till 1715. Philip V. determine the true character and limits of the balance of retained the Spanish crown, and the relations of all the power, we must have recourse, not to vague general princi- European states were once more adjusted with legal nicety ples, but to positive law, framed in the shape of interna- at Utrecht. Great pains were taken to provide, by a system tional contracts, which are termed treaties, and which have of renunciations, against the possibility of the union of the been sanctioned at different epochs of modern history by crowns of France and Spain on the same head, because it a congress of states. This historical treatment of the sub- was held that such a contingency would be fatal to the ject leads us to more tangible and solid ground; and it balance of power in Europe. But these precautions did will be seen that on these occasions more especially at- not prevent the conclusion, at a later period, of the family tempts have been made to establish a balance of power in compact between the two branches of the house of Bourbon, Europe upon the basis of general treaties; and that these which was regarded as a lasting danger to other countries, attempts have been rewarded by considerable, though not and was opposed by the whole strength of Britain and the by permanent, success in the 17th, 18th, and 19th centuries. genius of Chatham. The peace of Utrecht was denounced

The first idea of a general congress, to put an end to by Parliament and detested by the nation as an inglorious the horrors of the Thirty Years' War, and to adjust the termination of a glorious war, and its authors were conconflicting claims of rival creeds and hostile princes, ap- signed to obloquy and exile; but it secured the peace of pears to have originated with the emperor of Germany in Europe for thirty years; it reduced the power of France; 1640. The attempt to restore peace by the authority of and had it not been for the German dominions of the house the Germanic Diet had failed. It became necessary to have of Hanover, it might have been still longer before England recourse to mediating powers, and after a protracted pre- was drawn into another war. liminary negotiation, the Congress of Münster or Westphalia Hitherto the political system of Europe had comprised opened on the 11th July, 1678,—the Catholic and Protest- little more than the states of France, Austria, Spain, ant belligerents being represented on the one hand, and Sweden, and Holland, with the occasional intervention the mediating powers, France, Sweden, Venice, and the of Great Britain, more for the defence of the interests of Pope, on the other. We do not propose in this place to others than of her own. But the 18th century witnessed a follow the train of these complicated negotiations. It is total change in the politics of the world. A new empire, enough for our present purpose to remark that the great Russia, arose in the north, under the genius of Peter and treaty which resulted from them, and was signed on the of Catherine; the ambition and military skill of Frederick 24th October, 1648, became the basis of the public law of II. raised Prussia from a secondary member of the German Europe, and the first official recognition of the existence of empire to a powerful and independent kingdom; the coloa European balance of power. The conditions established nial empires of Spain, France, and Britain had extended in Germany left the Catholic, the Lutheran, and the their territorial interests to the continents of Asia and Reformed Churches in possession of their respective inde- America, and to the eastern and the western isles, insopendence, whilst they relieved the minor princes from their much that wars, begun in Europe, soon raged on the banks strict dependence on the empire; but, above all, they con- of the Ganges and the St. Lawrence; and the declaration ferred on France and Sweden, as mediating powers, the of independence of the United States of America called right of intervention for the purpose of upholding the into being a new and powerful people of the future. The provisions of the treaty. In other words, the balance partition of Poland, which was commenced in 1772, marked which had been established between the states of Central a new era of aggressive revolutionary policy; it was a gross Europe was regulated by external weights, which could be invasion of the principle of the balance of power, effected brought to bear upon it

. The result of this combination, by three powers, jealous of their respective strength, but due mainly to Cardinal Mazarin, was certainly injurious indifferent to the rights of an independent nation and to to the unity and independence of Germany, and it tended the opinion of Europe. That lawless act was the prelude to aid the aggressive and dictatorial power of Louis XIV. to more violent attacks on the sovereignty and nationality Nevertheless, the fundamental principles of the Treaty of of many countries, for before the century closed the French Westphalia were recognized and renewed as the conditions of the general peace of Europe down to the French Revolu- 1 It deserves to be noticed that down to the partition of Poland, no tion; they were not wholly absent from the minds of the state, however small, had been extinguished, annihilated, and “an. negotiators at Vienna in 1815; and they only received to the republics of Geneva and San Marino all retained their national their death-blow from the hand of the Prussian Govern- existence. The wars of the French Revolution, and still more

the ment in 1866 and 1870. Whatever might be the merits of wars of our own times, have swept a multitude of the minor states

and dynasties from the map of Europe, and incorporated them in the Treaty of Westphalia, it had not that of securing to larger empires.


Revolution, and the wars that followed it, crushed to atoms of Europe prevailed over the pretensions of each particular the ancient fabric of Europe. Whilst events of this magni- state. From the point of view we are now considering, tude were occurring in the world, it is obvious that the which is the restoration of the balance of power, it cannot theory of the balance of power was entirely displaced and be denied that the Treaties of Vienna secured forty vears dislocated. New elements were at work over a far wider of peace to Europe. They stood the brunt of two fresh area; new sources of power and influence were opened convulsions in France in 1830 and in 1848, and their main of far more importance than those territorial and dynastic provisions, though modified with respect to the Low questions which occupied the statesmen of Münster and Countries in 1832, and abrogated in Italy by the campaign of Utrecht; ancient land-marks were swept away; minor of 1859, were not seriously impaired until the dissolution states were annihilated; and the temporary domination of of the Germanic body in 1866, and the Franco-German Napoleon over a great portion of the continent of Europe War of 1870. During the whole of this period the warlike reemed to have overthrown the balance of power for ever. ambition of France, and the disposition of Russia to overIn those dark and evil days public writers like Gentz and awe Central Europe, were successfully held in check. At Mackintosh still maintained ihe principle that peace could Vienna itself, and during the congress, the struggle was only be restored by a due recognition of the rights and close and sometimes doubtful. Russia was resolved to independence of every nation, and England adhered inflex- retain the whole of Poland, which she occupied with her ibly to the policy of combining the scattered elements of armies, and Prussia claimed the whole of Saxony as a comEurope against the common enemy. Half a dozen times pensation for her share of the Polish provinces. To over these coalitions failed; but they succeeded at last, and counteract this combination of Russia and Prussia, an allithis country had the glory of playing no inconsiderable ance was signed on the 3d January, 1815, between Austria, part in the restoration of the liberties of all other nations England, and France, which might have led to hostilities against foreign aggression. Great as were the cost and the between those powers and their recent allies. Perhaps it burden of that trerendous war, we still hold that the was fortunate that the return of Napoleon from Elba prodigious power of France and the boundless ambition of broke up the congress, and reminded all the powers that Napoleon left us no honorable alternative but to pursue it; union and mutual concessions were the first duties of those and, as Mr. Fox himself discovered when he conducted the who had devoted themselves to the cause of law, order, and negotiations of 1806, it was impossible to conclude peace peace. It was a sign of the wisdom of the congress, and with France without basely surrendering the whole inter- of its respect for sound principles, that although France ests of Europe to universal oppression, and without expos- was the vanquished power and the author of the calamities ing this country to be at last the victim of a power which of Europe, she was treated at Vienna with as much conhad devoured all the rest. The principle of the balance sideration as any other state. Her ambassador, M. de of power, in the sense of mutual defence, was never as- Talleyrand, had his full weight in the congress; and no serted with greater energy than it was by this country in attempt was made in 1814 to curtail her ancient territorial that struggle, and we do not regret it. As long," says possessions or to lower her rank in Europe. On the conBacon, "as men are men, and as long as reason is reason, trary, the just influence of France was recognized as an a just fear will be a just cause of a preventive war; but essential condition of the balance of power. especially if it be part of the case that there be a nation For the first time, then, by this general act of the that is manifestly detected to aspire to new acquests, then Congress of Vienna, the territorial possessions and frontiers other states assuredly cannot be justly accused for not pay of the Continental states were defined in one document, ing for the first blow, or for not adopting Polyphemus's to which all the Governments of Europe were parties; the courtesy, to be the last that shall be eaten up." -(Speech constitution of the Germanic body was incorporated in the concerning a War with Spain.)

same instrument, and the neutrality and independence of Upon the fall of Napoleon in 1814 it became the com- the smallest cities and commonwealths were established mon interest, and the universal desire, of all the sovereigns and guaranteed. Every state in Europe had therefore an and nations of Europe to restore peace upon a settled basis, equal right and interest to invoke the authority of the to re-establish the authority of public law, to reinstate the treaty, and to claim the execution of all its conditions. A rightful owners in the possessions and dominions they had complete fabric of European polity, such as had never been forcibly deprived of, to reduce the military establish- existed before, was thus literally established by mutual ments which weighed so heavily on the finances and on the contract; and every infraction of it might justly be population of Europe, and to create anew a balance of power brought under the consideration of the high contracting between the states of Europe, by which the greatest of parties, or might even have been the ground of a declaration them might be restrained and the least of them protected. of war. In several instances this controlling power was A secret article had been annexed to the Treaty of Paris, wisely and beneficially exercised, and more than one burndeclaring that “the allied powers had agreed among them- ing question was adjusted by the conferences which met selves on the bases which were to be given to the future from time to time, always on the basis of the treaties of system of equilibrium;" though what the nature of that 1815. This certainly was the nearest approach ever made agreement and of those bases was, has never been made to a practical balance of power; and we owe to it, as we clearly apparent. But the matter was unquestionably have seen, a long period of mutual confidence, respect for referred to the congress then about to open at Vienna, public law, and peace, which contributed enormously to where the most powerful sovereigns and the most distin- the progress, prosperity, and happiness of the world. guished ministers of all the European states met for the But there are darker shades to the picture. The comfirst time in council. That congress was certainly the prehensive interest which every state was thus held to mest complete, and in its action the most important, have acquired in maintaining the general settlement might assemblage of independent political powers and their be held, and was held, to justify a dangerous and mischievous representatives which ever took place in the world. Its degree of intervention in the internal affairs of every other decisions were not all of them just, or wise, or disinterested. country, and this right was too often exercised in a manner The broad general principles of pacification which had injurious to liberty and independence. The northern been laid down were more than once traversed and thwarted powers, not content with the terms of the general alliance by particular interests and ambitions. The theory of the and the Treaties of Vienna, proceeded to connect themselves rights of legitimate sovereigns over their subjects was more closely by the mystic ties of the Holy Alliance, which carried to an extravagant point, pregnant with danger for provided that they were to act together on all subjects, and the future. Genoa was transferred to Sardinia, Venice to to regard their interests as one and indivisible. The conAustria, Norway to Sweden, Poland to Russia, part of struction they put upon the system recently established in Saxony to Prussia, and the sacred hopes and pledges of Europe was that it gave the allied powers a right to interfreedom which had animated the nations in the contest were fere, not only for the prevention of quarrels, aggressions, forgotten by the leading courts of Europe in the division and war, but in the internal government of states, for the of the spoil. But in spite of these shortcomings and purpose of preventing changes which they chose to regard abrises, we cannot concur with writers who, like Harden- as injurious to their own security and eventually to the berg, denounce the Congress of Vienna as an auction of balance of power. At the congresses and conferences of nations and an orgy of kings. It was said that every Troppau, Carlsbad, Aix-la-Chapelle, and Verona, these one withdrew from the Congress of Vienna disappointed, doctrines were avowed and acted upon to their furthest do one having obtained as much as he expected; but if so, extent, and under pretence of maintaining and defending that would suggest the inference that the general interest the common interests of Europe, the popular movements and constitutional progress of Italy were crushed, a French | ed as the centre of gravity of the European system. As army, entered Spain in 1823 to restore the authority of long as that body subsisted, war was impossible between its Ferdinand VII. against the Cortes, and even the inde respective members, and France was incapable of attacking pendence of the South American colonies was represented as their united forces. The success of Prussia in the campaign å blow to the peace and security of Europe. The British of 1866 was rapid and complete, and Austria ceased to forma Government had early perceived that the interpretation part of the Germanic Confederation. The power of Prusthus given to the theory of the balance of power, and to sia was further increased by the military conventions, which what was termed the federal system in Europe, was only gave her the absolute command over the armies of the minor another name for an intolerable oppression, and that the German states. This was undoubtedly the severest blow right of intervention in the internal affairs of other countries which had yet been inflicted on the balance of power in was claimed and exercised under false and dangerous pre- Europe; and the Emperor Napoleon III., who had recently texts. The duke of Wellington, who represented this coun- given vent to his dissatisfaction with the treaties of 1815, try at the Congress of Verona, under instructions framed now found himself confronted by an enemy infinitely more by Lord Castlereagh, was the first to declare that England powerful and dangerous. The results of Sadowa were as could be no party to such an application of the theory of fatal to the influence and security of France as if she herthe alliance, and that this country preferred isolation to any self had lost campaign. The French nation, however, such system of combined policy. That was the germ of failed to understand the magnitude of the danger, though the modern doctrine of non-intervention. But as long as they were irritated by the approach of it. War' was, on the Treaties of Vienna lasted, it was our duty and our more than one occasion, on the point of breaking out; and right to endeavor to support their authority, and to vindicate at length France plunged into it with a recklessness and the rights established by a compact to which this country was incapacity only to be alled by the tremendous calama party. We declined in 1852 to join with Prussia in en- ities that war caused her to endure. Again, no third state forcing the declaration made by the allied powers in 1815, was drawn by political considerations into the conflict. The which excluded any member of the family of Bonaparte terms of peace were settled between the vanquished and the from the throne of France; but we sought, in conjunction conquerors without reference to the general interests of with France, to protest against the annihilation of the king- other nations; and no attempt has been made to place dom of Poland, the incorporation of Cracow, the admission these arrangements under the sanction of the public law of of non-German provinces into the confederation, and the Europe. Russia took advantage of the agitated condition invasion of Schleswig; and we opposed the annexation of of Western Europe to abrogate, by her own will and pleaSavoy and Nice to France, but alone and without effect. The sure, an important stipulation of the Treaty of Peace of compact of Vienna was gradually set aside and violated in 1856, and Europe again submitted to this breach of cove the course of years by those who were most interested in nant. maintaining it; and when the Emperor Napoleon III. pro- The general result is that, at the present time, the mil. posed, in 1863, a new congress for the purpose of revising itary power of the German empire far surpasses that of and re-establishing the balance of power in Europe, under any other state, and could only be resisted by a general the name of an International Council, England refused to combination of all the rest. The balance of power, as it be a party to the negotiation, and rejected the scheme. was understood fifty years ago, and down to a more recent Lord Russell replied, “There being no supreme authority time, has been totally destroyed; no alliances can be said in such an assembly to enforce the decision of the majority, to exist between any of the great powers, but each of them the congress would probably separate, leaving many of its follows a distinct course of policy, free from any engage members on worse terms with each other than they had ments to the rest, except on some isolated points; the minor been before.” This was the last attempt made to bring the states can appeal to no certain engagement or fixed general authority of a congress, representing the collective author. principle for protection, except, perhaps, as far as the neuity of Europe, to bear on questions affecting the general trality of Switzerland and Belgium is concerned ; and for peace. When this point was reached it was apparent that the last two centuries there has not been a time at which the whole theory of the confederated system in Earope had all confidence in public engagements and common princibecome, for a time at least, obsolete; that the treaties and ples of international law has been so grievously shaken. mutual guarantees on which that system rested had lost Where the reign of law ends, the reign of force begins, and their power; and that there was no controlling force to we trace the inevitable consequence of this dissolution of resist the ambitious or warlike designs of any state capable legal international ties in the enormous augmentation of of giving effect to them. The Italian campaign of 1859 military establishments, which is the curse and the dishad considerably altered the condition of Southern Europe, grace of the present age. Every state appears to feel that and weakened Austria. Possibly, Prussia, in with holding its security depends on arming the whole virile population, her assistance at that time from her federal ally, foresaw in and maintaining in what is called a state of peace all the the defeat of Austria an event favorable to her own future burdens of a complete armament; indeed, in the most barpretensions. At any rate, for the first time, a war seriously barous ages and the most sanguinary wars there were, doubt. affecting the balance of power was begun and ended by the less, fewer men under arms, and less money was spent in two principal belligerents alone, and even the price paid by arming them, than at the present day. the house of Sardinia for the services of France-the cession We have shown in the preceding observations that we of Savoy and Nice—was tacitly acquiesced in by Europe. do not retain the faith of our forefathers in the balance of Twenty years before, it would have been thought impossi- power. It is impossible to equalize the strength of nations. ble that the doctrine of non-intervention should have ac- It is impossible to regulate or control the growth and de quired so great an ascendency:

velopment of their forces, which depend not on territorial But the consequences of this novel state of affairs soon possessions alone, but on their industry, their credit, their became manifest in the increasing disintegration of Europe. natural resources, and their internal institutions. It is No state could have a greater claim than Denmark to the impossible to weigh their relative power and influence in protection of the principles of the balance of power, for, as nice or golden scales, nor can we always compel them Jate as 1852, all the great powers had pledged themselves “parcere subjectis et debellare superbos." But the recogby treaty to maintain the integrity of her dominions, the nition of certain mutual obligations and principles of unity of the monarchy, and the order of succession to the public law is the fundamental condition of civilization crown which was then established. Yet in 1864 the Ger- itself. Nothing can be more injurious to society than that man powers proceeded to what was termed a Federal Exe- the states of Europe should exist without alliances, without cution against her; Holstein, Lauenberg, and, eventually, mutual confidence, without a common system based on the Schleswig were torn from her by Prussia, Austria acting a principles of justice and of peace, the weak living in dread subordinate part. England in vain appealed by her diplo- of the strong, the strong armed to the teeth against each macy to the terms of the agreement of 1852, but France other. We trust that before another great catastrophe and Russia stood aloof, and the greatest injustice the world arises from this state of disguised hostility, a truer balance had witnessed since the partition of Poland was consum- of power may be established by a return to sounder prinmated. As every event in political life is closely connected, ciples; for peace can never be secure unless it is protected Prussia now proceeded to ally herself with the crown of by the concurrence of the leading nations of the world, and Italy against Austria, and to execute her grand design of by their determination to oppose a combined resistance to the overthrow of the Germanic Confederation and the ex- those who have no object but their own aggrandizement pulsion of Austria from that body, which had been regard. I and ambition.

(H. R.)

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